Monday, July 18, 2016

The Next Bubble to Burst: Will It Be Housing Again?

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The modern world of bubbles (source; click to enlarge)

by Gaius Publius

I'm following a number of stories at the moment, including the possible further collapse in carbon (oil and gas) prices; the likely and casual ubiquity of election-stealing by both parties (which has interesting implications for the general election); and the next installment in our "Look Ahead" series, a peer into the future of American political life and governance from the conventions into the reign of the next administration.

But this one-off story deserves your attention. I want to put the existence of a new housing bubble on your radar. It certainly exists. Will it burst soon? There's no telling, but it's as big a bubble as the last one. In my locale (one of those illustrated below) the amount of construction is shocking, given the fact that nothing has structurally changed since the 2007-08 crash.

From Zero Hedge, with charts (emphasis in the original):
Housing Bubble 2.0 - Are You Ready For This?

The mind-numbing Case-Shiller regional charts below are presented without too much comment. As MHanson.com's Mark Hanson adds, the visual says it all.

Bottom line:
Q: If 2006/07 was the peak of the largest housing bubble in history with affordability never better vis a’ vis exotic loans; easy availability of credit; unemployment in the 4%’s; the total workforce at record highs; and growing wages, then what do you call “now” with house prices at or above 2006 levels; worse affordability; tighter credit; higher unemployment; a weakening total workforce; and shrinking wages?

A: Whatever you call it, it’s a greater thing than the Bubble 1.0 peak.
... If these key housing markets hit a wall they will take the rest of the nation with them; bubbles and busts don’t happen in “isolation”.
And now those charts:

Price charts from selected housing markets (click to enlarge).

A few comments from the site (my emphasis here):
• The bubblicious regions above all have one thing in common…STEM [the science-technology-engineering-math sector]. As such, if the tech and biotech sectors hit a wall, which some believe has already begun, so will these housing regions.

• If these key housing markets hit a wall they will take the rest of the nation with them; Bubbles and busts don’t happen in “isolation”.

• House prices have retaken Bubble 1.0 levels on the exact same drivers: easy/cheap/deep credit & liquidity that found its way to real estate. The only difference between both era’s [sic] is which cohorts controlled the credit and liquidity. In Bubble 1.0, end-users were in control. In this bubble, “professional”/private investors and foreigners are. But, they both drove demand and prices in the exact same manner. That is, as incremental buyers with easy/cheap/deep credit & liquidity, able to hit whatever the ask price was, and consequently — due to the US comparable sales appraisal process — pushed all house prices to levels far beyond what typical end-user, shelter-buyers can afford. Thus, the persistent, anemic demand.

• Bubble 2.0 has occurred without a corresponding demand surge just like peak Bubble 1.0. As such, it means something other than fundamental, end-user demand and economics is driving prices this time too.

• The end result of Bubble 2.0 will be the same as 1.0; a demand “mix-shift” and price “reset” back towards end-user fundamentals once the speculators finish up, or events force them to the “sidelines”. ...
And:
• Lastly, I am betting 2016 marks the high for house prices, as mortgage rates can’t go meaningfully lower, the unorthodox demand cohort is exhausted, and real affordability to end-user shelter-buyers has rarely been worse. In fact, I believe this is the year house prices go red yy [year-over-year].
The zero interest rate economy (ZIRP; the "P" stands for "policy"), which is so good for bankers since they "borrow" from the Fed for free, is terrible for us little people. (The central banks are also propping up the stock market, by the way, one of the places the CEO class parks their corporate "take.") All of which creates an economy that is, as Zero Hedge says, "bubblicious." The fact that we're in an economy buoyed by serial bubbles is structural, built-in. The economy will be this unstable until we reregulate and aggressively tax those with too much money and no productive place to invest it.

This is not good for the rest of us, not good at all. Pay attention, and if you can, protect yourself. At some point soon, the next housing crash will occur. And when the banks do need bailing out, watch what happens. The public, left and right, won't tolerate more flat gifts to bankers. So the Europeans are experimenting with something quite different:
According to The Economist, the magazine that coined the term "bail-in", a bail-in occurs when the borrower's creditors are forced to bear some of the burden by having a portion of their debt written off. For example, bondholders in Cyprus banks and depositors with more than 100,000 euros in their accounts were forced to write-off a portion of their holdings. This approach eliminates some of the risk for taxpayers by forcing other creditors to share in the pain and suffering.

While both bail-ins and bail-outs are designed to keep the borrowing institution afloat, the two different methods of accomplishing the goal vary greatly. Bail-outs are designed to keep creditors happy and interest rates low, while bail-ins are ideal in situations where bail-outs are politically difficult or impossible, and creditors aren't keen on the idea of a liquidation event. The new approach became especially popular during the European Sovereign Debt crisis.
Otherwise known as asset confiscation, that is, preserving taxpayer money and helping a firm's bondholders not take the whole hit themselves by putting some of the cost of keeping an institution afloat ... on depositors. Wonder how that will make depositors feel as they're feeling the pinch of the next crisis.

Of course, the government could just let the profligate banks fail; but then, where would the next Treasury Secretary come from? It is a puzzlement.

GP
 

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Tuesday, March 05, 2013

Who Has The Wealth In America? Take Real Estate (Homes)

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At the bottom of the page is a 60 Minutes report from Leslie Stahl on the coming Chinese housing bubble. It's scary as hell. People are buying houses and shopping malls as investments... but no one is living in them or shopping at them-- whole empty cities!

A friend of mine has been trying to buy a home in Santa Clarita in L.A. County, a n area that was hard-hit by the foreclosure meltdown. She's put in bids on 7 houses, lately considerably above the asking price, like even tens of thousands of dollars over the asking price. She hasn't gotten one yet! But no one is living in those houses. They're being bought by investors/speculators-- some of which are Chinese investors who are buying them illegally (against Chinese law, not against U.S. law).

Steven Rosenfeld wrote in AlterNet this week that this isn't just something happening in China and Santa Clarita. All over America "real estate speculators, with billions in ready cash, are swooping into hard-hit locales and buying foreclosed and low-end homes with the same vehemence that created the housing market bubble."
They’re hoping to rent these properties to ex-owners or others, but they’re creating distortions that truly worry housing advocates. Banks are flocking to cash buyers, not to people with loans. First-time buyers can’t get in. Rents are skyrocketing. Home values and prices are going up.

...Working people who have played by the rules-- saving money, holding jobs, filling out piles of paperwork to get low-interest federal loans-- or tried to restructure debt to keep their homes-- are being steamrolled...There’s no precedent for corporate takeover of low-end homes on the scale that’s unfolding, a concern voiced by others, including realtors in Southern California where outlier counties are seeing a third or more of foreclosed homes bought with cash.

...There’s an old saying in real estate that you make money when you buy, not when you sell. Waypoint’s investors—like other big investment pools with similar plans—see low-end homes as a giant untapped equity play. Property values in this market dropped by a half or two-thirds in value in cities such as Richmond as the real estate crash bottomed out. Pheonix, Las Vegas, Tampa and other foreclosure centers all had similar price collapses. The sector was poised to rise in value at margins exceeding most stocks and bonds, if home values even recovered a fraction of their former peak.

Investors with hundreds of millions in ready cash, such as the Blackstone Group, Colony Capital, Oaktree Capital Management started buying thousands of homes in the most depressed markets for cash and as-is. Their sales pitch promised returns of 6 to 8 percent from rental income and a longer-term payout of 16 to 18 percent once the properties are sold in a half-dozen years or so, said Paul Staley, who buys, rehabs and sells homes for a Bay Area affordable housing non-profit. The investor's cash meant banks and other mortgage lenders didn’t have to worry about inspections, appraisals, government standards and haggling with buyers. Those market "efficiencies" pushed players like Community Housing Development Corporation of North Richmond and its clients out of the equation.



UPDATE: Bob Ney's Tell All Really Does Tell All!



Bob Ney, an alcoholic mess and patsy who wound up in prison for taking bribes, a sacrificial pig from the House GOP caucus, is out of jail and hawking a new book, Sideswiped: Lessons Learned Courtesy of the Hit Men of Capitol Hill. I haven't read it yet but read about it at the National Journal a few hours ago. Boehner, who has already denounced the revelations about his own criminal activities by Ney by having a spokesperson tell the Beltway media that Ney is "a convicted felon with a history of failing to tell the truth, making a lot of baseless accusations to try and sell books." Boehner appears to be the main villain, although Ney goes after the whole crew of corrupt Republicans running the show when Bush was president. Let me share:
Ney’s most dramatic accusations are against his fellow Ohioan John Boehner,  the man he once saw as his biggest rival to someday being speaker. He describes Boehner as “a bit lazy” and “a man who was all about winning and money. He was a chain-smoking, relentless wine drinker who was more interested in the high life-- golf, women, cigarettes, fun, and alcohol.” He said Boehner “spent almost all of his time on fundraising, not policy.” He “golfed, drank constantly, and took the easy way legislatively.” Ney recalled Boehner handing out checks on the House floor and said his ties with a tobacco company were so tight that lawmakers could get free cigarettes from Boehner’s office. His golfing, Ney said, was “nonstop” and “paid for by lobbyists.”


Ney wrote: “If the Justice Department were ever to make John produce receipts for his addiction to golf just for the years from 1995 to 2004, he would be hard-pressed to comply. John got away with more than any other Member on the Hill.”


The most inflammatory accusation against Boehner in the book is Ney’s contention that he ended his reelection campaign after winning the primary in 2006 only after Boehner, then the majority leader, summoned the cash-strapped and embattled congressman to his office and told him if he quit the race, Boehner would take care of him. “If you resign the next day, I will personally guarantee you a job comparable to what you are making, and raise legal defense money for you that should bury all this Justice Department problem for you,” Boehner said, according to Ney. He said he pressed Boehner, repeating the terms and getting assurance that the offer was “ironclad.” When Ney called back the next day to accept the deal, he wrote that he again repeated the terms to Boehner, who agreed. “Because of Boehner’s promise, I stepped aside,” he wrote. But Ney said Boehner did not keep his word. “I had been lied to and ditched,” Ney said.
In 2008 he voted for President Obama.



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Thursday, January 03, 2013

Say, Dean Baker, what do we really need to know about the fiscal-cliff deal?

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by Ken

When CNN asked economist Dean Baker to sum up in one pithy piece what folks needed to know about the then-merely-proposed (but soon to be enacted) "fiscal-cliff compromise deal," they probably weren't expecting what they got, which would have been more along the line of some swift crunching of numbers (extra credit if the numbers are mostly imaginary) showing that as a result of the "deal" most people will be (a) better off, (b) worse off, or (c) the same.

Something along the lines of, say, the jackassery puked up by WaPo's Robert "No Relation to Paul" Samuelson, better known as the Village Idiot of Economics Reporting, who summed up the deal as "Obama's leadership failure." Hmm, you say, that could be interesting? Come on, be serious. We're talking about "No Relation to Paul" Samuelson, the Dumbest Slug on the Finance Beat. The presidential failure, you see, was his refusal to persuade the country to understand that what's bringing the country to its knees is extravagant Social Security and Medicare payments!

But no, Dean didn't get sucked down that blind alley. Instead he suggested ("Look beyond the fiscal cliff") that the one possibly truly useful thing about the fiscal-cliff deal is that just possibly it may put "the distractions created by the debate over the fiscal cliff behind us." That debate, he says, "has been part of a larger distraction -- the concern over budget deficits at a time when by far the country's most important problem remains the economic downturn caused by the collapse of the housing bubble."
The obsession with budget deficits is especially absurd because the enormous deficits of recent years are entirely the result of the economic downturn. In spite of this, the leadership of both parties has elevated the budget deficit to be the top and virtually only issue in national economic policy. This means ignoring the downturn that continues to cause enormous amount of unnecessary suffering for tens of millions of people.
"Fears of big deficits," Dean says, "are preventing us from giving the same sort of boost to the economy that got us out of the Great Depression." And why is this?
The explanation is simple: profits have returned to prerecession levels. . . . [F]rom the standpoint of the people who own and run American businesses, everything is pretty much fine. Moreover, they see the deficits created by the downturn as providing an opportunity to go after Social Security and Medicare.
Enter the Campaign to Fix the Debt, which DWT readers have heard quite a lot about. It's basically the cocktail-party chatter of high-powered CEOs translated into a "nonpartisan" crusade, bankrolled by those same "Wall Street types and other wealthy interests . . . to push their agenda."
The Campaign to Fix the Debt involves the CEOs themselves directly stepping up to the plate and pushing the case for cutting Social Security and Medicare as well as lowering the corporate income tax rate.

It's clear what's going on here. We don't need any conspiracy theories.

CEOs from both political parties have openly come together to demand cuts in Social Security and Medicare, two programs that enjoy massive political support across the political spectrum. The wealthy are joining hands without regard to political affiliation to cut benefits that enjoy broad bipartisan support among everyone who is not rich.
Dean has one thing in common with "No Relation to Paul" Samuelson: He sees in the present economic crisis an opportunity for the president "to show real leadership." Not surprisingly, though, Dean has a very different idea of what form that leadership would take.
He should explain to the public the basic facts that all budget experts know: We do not have a chronic deficit problem. The big deficits are the result of collapsed economy. The priority of the president and Congress must be to put people back to work and bring the economy back up to speed.

When the housing bubble burst, annual spending on residential construction fell back by more than 4% of GDP, which is $600 billion in today's economy. Similarly, consumption plunged as people drastically curtailed their spending in response to the loss of $8 trillion in housing bubble generated equity.

There is no easy way for the private sector to replace this demand. Businesses don't invest unless they see demand for their products, regardless of how much love we might shower on the "job creators." In fact, if anything, investment is surprisingly strong give the large amount of excess capacity in the economy. Measured as a share of GDP, investment in equipment and software is almost back to its prerecession level. It is hard to envision investment getting much higher, absent a major boost in demand from some other sector.

This is why it is necessary for the government to run large deficits. Ideally, the money would be spent in areas that will make us richer in the future: Education, infrastructure, research and development in clean energy, etc. There is just no way around a large role for the government given the economy's current weakness.

Obama needs to explain this simple story to the country. The rich of both parties will hate him for going down this route. They will use their powers to denounce him. But the American people support Social Security and Medicare, and they support an economy that creates jobs for ordinary workers.

Obama needs the courage to tell the truth.
"Tell the truth," for cripes' sake? Is it any wonder that Dean Baker is regarded as an uncouth ruffian in the polite Village circles, not to mention the drawing rooms of the 1% -- in other words, the very people who make it possible for a pathetic whore like Robert "No Relation to Paul" Samuelson to draw a paycheck for systematically obfuscating and unclarifying fiscal realities for the benefit of readers who say they want the truth but in truth can't handle it.
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Monday, December 24, 2012

Merry Christmas: Just think of the Campaign to Fix the Debt as economy-wrecking former Fed Chairman Alan Greenspan's holiday gift to us all

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Even at the age of 125, our Alan never tires of public service.

by Ken

As I've written here numerous times, even now I'm frequently fascinated by how similarly Howie and I have reacted to so many things in the (gasp) 50-plus years we've known each other. The other day it was a wonderful quote from economist Dean Baker which had independently charmed both of us. On the subject of the current oligarchs' crusade to inflict the "chained CPI" on us for calculating cost-of-living-based benefit increases, as a devious way to cut things like Social Security benefits without having to own up to the intent to cut things like Social Security benefits: "Among voters across the political spectrum the chained CPI is a huge loser. It only wins among the DC money crowd."

Howie noted wryly that Dean's "not on Obama's short list to be Treasury Secretary, a position he's given America's worst and most deadly enemies -- the Wall Street predators -- veto power over." I can still get off on this implicit endorsement of Dean for the job, and I still experience a thrill at the thought of the Wall Street crowd waking up to find him installed at Treasury.

Now, for Christmas Eve, Dean offers a post ("Mr. Incompetent, the Economy Wrecker Alan Greenspan, Was Central to the Formation of the Campaign to Fix the Debt") in which he passed on the discovery, buried in a NYT piece on the Campaign to Fix the Debt, "the corporate financed effort to reduce the deficit," that present at the creation of the campaign was none other than . . . our Alan, who Dean says,
will go down in history as the person who has done more damage to the U.S. economy and society that anyone who was not a foreign enemy. In fact the destruction he wreaked through his incompetence would also exceed the damage caused by almost all would-be enemies as well.
Dean pays tribute to our Alan's "remarkable feat as Fed chair of ignoring the growth of the $8 trillion housing bubble."
This bubble could not have been easier to see if it had been 500 feet high and lit up with huge neon signs saying "Huge Housing Bubble." But Greenspan insisted the bubble was not there. . . .
Now Dean is delighted to find our Alan in the thick of Annie Lowrey's NYT piece:
The Campaign to Fix the Debt started to come together at a salon dinner held in the backyard of Senator Mark Warner, Democrat of Virginia, in the fall of 2011. An influential group of economic, political and business leaders -- including the former Federal Reserve chairman Alan Greenspan and Mark Bertolini, the chief executive of the Aetna insurance company -- huddled in a too-small tent in the pouring rain.
"If we had a political debate that was driven by evidence," Dean writes,
where the accuracy of one's past judgements played any role in the credibility granted their current opinion, then Greenspan would be relegated to the role of ranting fool. His opinions on the economy would be given slightly less credibility than the mumblings of a street drunk.
Instead, "The person most responsible for wrecking the economy -- and incidentially adding trillions of dollars to the debt -- was there at the founding of the Campaign to Fix the Debt." To Dean, "This is such an amazing tidbit that it really should have been the lead of the article."

Perhaps this will come up at Dean's Treasury secretary confirmation hearings.
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Sunday, April 08, 2012

The Mortgage Crisis Was And Is A Predictable Result Of Corrupt Conservative Policy Inside The Beltway

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Politics is so much easier when there are guys with white hats and guys with black hats-- or guys with red t-shirts and guys with blue t-shirts. The real world is more complex. Generally speaking, the Democrats are the good guys and the Republicans are the bad guys. But that model is woefully inadequate for making a series of rational judgments about who to support with cash, who to volunteer for, who to vote for, or even who just to root for. Issues like the DC Conservative Consensus come into play, as does the whole corruption thing. Recall how Jack Abramoff-- briber extraordinaire, and if he doesn't know, who does?-- defined bribery in his post-prison book Capitol Punishment:
[C]ontributions from parties with an interest in legislation are really nothing but bribes. Sure, it's legal for the most part. Sure, everyone in Washington does it. Sure it's the way the system works. It's one of Washington's dirty little secrets-- but it's bribery just the same...

Conservative values extol greed, selfishness and corruption as a positive good and conservative politicians can fall back on an Ayn Rand philosophical justification for ripping off the public and for every kind of corruption imaginable. Republicans routinely do. What about conservative Democrats? Only the most naive partisan would believe that Democrats in DC are any less corrupt the Republicans. The entire raison d'être for the Blue Dogs coalition and for the New Dems, for example, is corruption. Go back to Abramoff's definition above. Both conservative Democratic alliances exist to offer support for corporate agendas in return for cash payments. There are no Blue Dogs and-- I'm sorry to say-- almost no members of the New Dems who are not corrupt. Nor are there more than the tiniest handful of Republicans who are not corrupt. It's bipartisanship at it's Beltway apex. And, among other things, it led directly to the mortgage meltdown and the current economic crisis.

Let me turn to Joshua Holland and his brilliant book, The Fifteen Biggest Lies About The Economy for a moment to reiterate one of the biggest lies of all, namely that the housing crisis was caused by poor people and that the big Wall Street banks were victims. We started the discussion last week but Holland went on from there:
In 2010, former Fed chairman [and deranged Ayn Rand acolyte] Alan Greenspan offered a bit of historical revisionism to a House committee investigating the causes of the financial crisis, telling lawmakers, “In 2002, I expressed concern... that our extraordinary housing boom, financed by very large increases in mortgage debt, cannot continue indefinitely... I warned of the consequences of this situation in testimony before the Senate Banking Committee in 2004.”

Writing in the Washington Post, Dana Milbank offered a corrective with some of the highlights of Greenspan’s congressional testimony at the peak of the housing bubble. In 2005, Greenspan told lawmakers, “A bubble in home prices for the nation as a whole does not appear likely.” He added, “Home price declines... were they to occur, likely would not have substantial macroeconomic implications,” and explained that “nationwide banking and widespread securitization of mortgages make it less likely that financial intermediation would be impaired.”

In English, that last bit meant “Banks won’t get into serious trouble even if things do go to hell,” and we know how well that prediction turned out. If Greenspan could be so wrong and the smart people at the Washington Post and the New York Times couldn’t see this huge, dangerously inflated housing bubble, how was your average couple trying to get a place to live or the small investor looking for a few bucks in rental income supposed to make a rational decision about how much debt to take on? That’s not a defense of individuals who got in over their heads; it’s simply an important bit of context.

The narrative that the real estate crash and the subsequent recession were the fault of borrowers, especially poor and middle-income borrowers-- while members of the financial community were innocent victims-- is not only revisionism of the worst kind, but it’s an especially egregious lie.

The obvious sin of this claim is that it shifts responsibility for the mess away from those who created it, but what makes it even more disgraceful is that conservatives have long argued that efforts to increase home ownership among low-income families and communities of color was the “free market” thing to do (and have, to some degree, negated the need for a decent social safety net). It was George W. Bush, not Vladimir Lenin, who said in a 2002 speech, “We have a problem here in America... a homeownership gap,” and said, “we’ve got to work together to close [the gap] for the good of our country.” This was standard American Enterprise Institute–quality conservative fare.

Blaming individuals is easy, though-- it’s not hard to understand how people could borrow a bunch of cash they were later unable to pay back. The real cause of the housing crash is, of course, a far more complicated tale. Yet it’s a story that ultimately represents the abject failure of conservative economic mythology, so it’s important to understand.

The bottom line: lenders used ludicrously lax standards to write loans to just about anybody, and people certainly got in over their heads. Yet as business reporter Andrew Leonard wrote, beginning in the 1990s, “The incentive for everyone to behave this way came from Wall Street-- where the demand for (debt-backed securities) simply couldn’t be satisfied. Wall Street was begging the mortgage industry to reach out to the riskiest borrowers it could find, because it thought it had figured out a way to make any level of risk palatable.” He added, “Wall Street traders, hungry for more risk, fixed the real economy to deliver more risk, by essentially bribing the mortgage originators and ratings agencies to... make bad loans on purpose. That supplied (Wall Street) speculators the raw material they needed for their bets, but as a consequence threw the integrity of the whole housing sector into question.”

Although the U.S. housing market is worth somewhere in the neighborhood of $10 trillion, it was Wall Street’s wheeler-dealers-- with lobbyists and congressional allies keeping regulators out of their business-- who built a house of cards out of “exotic” mortgage-backed products and other “derivatives” worth as much as sixty times that figure. It was paper wealth backed by little more than the irrational belief that what goes up will never come down. These instruments, which Warren Buffet called “the real Weapons of Mass Destruction,” were estimated to be “worth” roughly twelve times the output of the entire global economy.

This is how a drop in the U.S. housing market could precipitate such widespread economic pain worldwide. It wasn’t silly borrowers who were to blame-- if not for the huge overhang of “toxic” securities Wall Street had created, even a ridiculously high rate of default in this country’s subprime mortgage market wouldn’t have stunned the entire global economy.


Now, in light of the above, I want to steer you towards Mike Lux's assertion that the hubbub over the settlement talks with the Big Banks seems to have settled own and the reporters have gone home, but that the banksters and their corrupt political handmaidens are not only far from vanquished, but ready to wreak havoc on society all over again. "Unpunished" is certainly interpreted as permission to rob and steal again... with impunity.
Let’s start with talking about why so many activists and organizations like the Campaign for a Fair Settlement and the New Bottom Line pushed so hard for a more aggressive investigation in the first place. No matter how those first settlement talks with the banks turned out, it was always clear that whatever the number government negotiators got would be tiny compared to the scope of the $700 billion dollar underwater mortgage problem homeowners and our entire economy is faced with. And we were right: the $25 billion is a drop in the bucket, about 3 percent of the way to a solution. The far bigger question is what would happen next, because our national economy will continue to be weighed down heavily by this deeply damaged housing market unless there are much deeper mortgage write-downs.

There are two big ways for more mortgage write-downs to happen, and two big goals progressives should have for the financial fraud task force. The former pair first: most mortgages are owned by either Fannie and Freddie, or by the big bank conglomerates on Wall Street. The first way for massive mortgage write-downs to happen is either for Fannie and Freddie acting administrator Ed DeMarco to change his policies on write-downs, or for him to be replaced by Obama making a recess appointment of someone who would change the policies. That’s why many groups have launched a Fire DeMarco campaign, and many others keep banging on his door to ask him to change direction. There is some dissent on this among people who know the banking issue, because some banks own second liens on these mortgages and could benefit as a result. It’s a fair point, and anything that can be done to structure Fannie and Freddie write-downs in a way to not help the big banks is important to do. But my view is that maximizing the write-downs is critical, that homeowners and the overall economy need these write-downs too badly to spend an inordinate time worrying that some banks may benefit as a result. (Wall Street bankers find many different ways to hedge their bets and diversify their holdings, meaning they sometimes find ways to profit even on things that are actually good for people. Go figure.)

The other way for big write-downs to happen is if the financial fraud task force can squeeze the big banks on all the fraud they have committed, and get them to agree to writing down a much bigger pot of money-- in the hundreds of billions, not the tens-- in exchange for a legal release on some fraud claims (although definitely not all) by the government. Which leads to my next major point: that of goals for this fraud task force.

The two goals for the task force as far as the progressives I am talking to are these: write-down money and prosecution for crimes committed. Some people think these are mutually exclusive. I don’t, and neither should task force members. Based on what we already know from news reports and other legal action, it is clear that if the task force is aggressive and tough enough in their negotiations, they can through subpoenas and depositions find thousands of separate violations of punishable financial fraud. Much of that can be used to force the bankers to the table for real negotiations about hundreds of billions of dollars in mortgage write-downs, but investigators will also find plenty of fraud so egregious that the high rollers in these firms ought to be going to jail as well. Indicting, perp walking, and sending some of these top execs to prison is important, because if wealthy and powerful people can continually violate the law with impunity, they will in fact keep doing just that, and our financial system will be permanently at risk.

The question now is whether the task force will be effective in bringing bankers to justice, and in forcing bigger write-downs. But this is a real question, and I think it is important for the American people to understand what is going on in there. To all of us on the outside who have been working on these issues, things don’t seem to be moving very fast. We need to know the answers to some very important questions, including:

-Is there an executive director, coordinator, or clear manager of any kind in place to drive this process forward aggressively? There was discussion for a while of Rep. Brad Miller (D-N.C.), a great consumer advocate, playing such a role, but that talk seems to have died out and I am still not clear how they are managing this in the meantime.

-Will any more staff resources beyond the very modest numbers announced when the task force was unveiled be appointed?

-Of the staff resources that were appointed, are all of them actually assigned and working? If not, how many are actually doing any work? If not, why (the hell) not?

-Are task force leaders keeping a close eye on statute of limitation issues to make sure we can actually prosecute the most important cases of bank fraud that exist out there?

-After the first flurry of subpoenas, we haven’t to my knowledge seen any more come down. Why not? Seems like there is plenty to investigate, why the hold-up on more subpoenas?

-At least some of the members of the task force have said they want to be aggressive and fast moving in this investigation. Are there people putting road blocks up? If so, why aren’t they being cleared away? Who has point responsibility for clearing the road blocks out of the way?

Here’s the most important question in my mind: is the White House paying enough attention to this? I know from my experience in the Clinton White House that once a decision is made to move forward on a major new initiative like the settlement and fraud task force, that sometimes the sense of urgency fades and senior staff tend to move on to new issues, problems, and crises-- they assume whoever they appointed to do things is taking care of it. That is natural enough given all the demands on the White House, and I sense it may have happened here. But I fear for my friends in the Obama White House that this is going to come back and bite them in the ass in a really serious way if they aren’t paying a lot of attention to it. One of the greatest weaknesses the President has going into election season, both with swing and base voters, is the lingering feeling that he and his team have been too soft on the Wall Street guys that took down this economy. The big banks making record profits and handing out record bonuses the year after taxpayers bailed them out, and while the overall economy has been terrible, has left a lasting impression with voters. The failures of the HAMP program, the flurry of bad press around the Suskind book, the unwillingness to recess appoint Elizabeth Warren as the head of Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (even though the person Obama appointed, Rich Cordray, has been terrific, he has nowhere near the profile or cachet with activists following the issue as Warren), and the lack of any prosecution of Wall Street big shots has steadily added to that image. So if nothing happens with this task force any time soon, it will be a huge disappointment and a very big deal to people and organizations working on the issue, to the reporters who know the financial beat, and to voters in general. In an election season dominated by discussion of Mitt Romney’s Wall Street background, for the President to be vulnerable on this issue would be a terrible mistake, and the way they get strong on it is to have a successful task force.

Here’s the electoral component of this that almost no one is thinking about: there are 11,000,000 underwater homeowners right now, many of them families with multiple voters living there. There are a ton of them in key swing states like Nevada, Florida, Ohio, Pennsylvania, North Carolina, Wisconsin, and Colorado. In my mind, they are very likely to be swing voters: screwed over by Wall Street, but not feeling like either party is helping them much. They have heard about the settlement, but $25 million doesn’t go very far when there’s $700 million in negative equity, so they aren’t likely to get much help, which will make them even more irritable-- it could be HAMP all over again in terms of promises of help made but not delivered. Holding the banks accountable, and delivering a big new round of write-downs, is going to look awfully good to those voters and their neighbors who don’t want more foreclosed homes on the block.

My advice to my friends at the White House is to pay a lot of attention to this sooner rather than later, and to light a fire under anyone involved in the task force who may be throwing those road blocks up.
 
The task force needs to show some visible progress, some real movement that is obvious to people, sooner rather than later on this. If they move aggressively forward, I believe based on conversations with legal experts that it is entirely possible the banks can be forced to write down $200-300 billion in mortgages before the end of the year. That would not only help those underwater homeowners but would be a dramatic boost to the entire rest of the economy because of the extra cash it would put in homeowners’ pockets and the major boost it would be to the overall housing market. The big banks can certainly afford it: according to an SEIU report, in 2010 alone just the six biggest banks gave out an estimated $143 billion in bonuses. Given that these write-downs would be cumulative over many years, $200-300 billion might mean smaller bonus checks and profit margins, but it is nothing that would break the bank. And here’s the other thing: if you write down these mortgages and stabilize the housing market, all those toxic assets the big banks hold will start to look healthier soon, so the banks would even get some of that money back.

This issue has faded from the headlines, but it is a huge deal-- for the homeowners who remain stuck underwater, for the housing market and economy as a whole, and for the President’s re-election chances. Let’s hope these questions get answered soon, and in a good way. And let’s hope the task force can get its act together to force another big settlement, and some perp walks as well, before it is through.

And Inside-the-Beltway, the Sword of Damocles hanging over all of this is the glaring fact that the Financial Industry has pretty much bought Congress. Not counting the $4,859,192,569 they've spent on lobbying in the same period, this is what has been spent on direct bribes to federal elected officials since 1989-- more than any other industry or sector:


And this year, the bribery is keeping up smartly. So far in this cycle the Finance Industry has spent in the neighborhood of $200 million, almost all of it to corrupt conservatives, overwhelmingly Republicans, of course, but plenty of table scraps to buy enough Democrats off as well. This cycle only-- so not career-long, just for this election cycle-- the 5 most egregious bribe-takers from the Financial Sector are:
John Boehner, Speaker of the House- $2,048,550
Eric Cantor, Republican Majority Leader- $1,083,050
Spencer Bachus, Republican chairman of the House Financial Services Committee- $841,725
Jeb Hensarling, Wall St. shill on the House Financial Services Committee- $652,347
Ed Royce, Wall St. shill on the House Financial Services Committee- $621,360

Who ever heard of Ed Royce (R-CA)? Why do the banksters give him so much money? He's a very senior Republican who sits on both the Subcommittee on Capital Markets, Insurance and Government-Sponsored Enterprises and the Subcommittee on Financial Institutions and Consumer Credit. He basically represents the big Wall Street banksters on both subcommittees and has never-- not once-- voted the interests of working families in his district. He always-- 100% of the time-- votes and advocates for the special interests of the Wall Street predators, who, as we see, continue to reward him handsomely. (The banksters and insurance crooks have given Royce $4,025,461 since Orange County first elected him in 1992.)

The same goes for another barely known corrupt conservative, Jeb Hensarling of Texas. He's the vice chair under Bachus of the Financial Services Honeypot Committee and sits on the subcommittee on Capital Markets, Insurance, and Government-Sponsored Enterprises and the subcommittee on Financial Institutions and Consumer Credit, where he also advocates for the Big Banks and against the working families back in the suburbs east of Dallas. He's worked hard for the bribes-- $3,754,778-- the Big Banks and insurance crooks have lavished on him since 2002.

Hensarling hasn't had a serious challenge for reelection ever and isn't expected to have one this November either. Royce, on the other hand, may have his first serious battle for reelection ever. The newly redrawn 39th CD has a non-white majority (33% Hispanic and 29% Asian) and Royce is being challenged by a Harvard-educated very popular neighborhood boy, Jay Chen, who's fluent in Spanish and who we'll be talking to here at DWT very soon.

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Monday, February 20, 2012

Why it doesn't pay for pols or pundits to be right

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Noted pinhead Francis Fukuyama

"Our system actively promotes people who will lie in the right way without even having to be told to and actively gets rid of anyone who is not a useful idiot – by which I mean anyone who does not tell the lies useful to the powers that be."
-- Ian Welsh (see below)

by Ken

I don't know what prompted this sudden burst of truth-telling by our friend Ian Welsh toward right-wing halfwit Francis Fukuyuma. Is it possible that while I wasn't paying attention, someone was caught taking the pinhead seriously?

Which doesn't mean that I in any way disagree with what Ian has to say about Francis the Writing Mule. And the passage he dredges up, which was indeed once much quoted, apparently noncomically, always struck me as preposterous beyond imagining, and I don't see that there should be any statute of limitations on numbskullery of this dimension. Nevertheless, I bring it up not for the Francis-bashing per se, but for the conclusion to which it leads him to.

It provides a working answer to such imponderable mysteries as:

* How is it that the pols and pundits who were wrongest about the grounds and sensibleness of the invasion of Iraq have almost without exception been rewarded while those who were rightest have almost without exception been punished?

* How does it happen that the economists who were tracking the housing bubble and warning about the dangers of resulting economy-wide implosion have remained voices crying in the wilderness while the stooges who were looking the other way or even deriding the nervous Nellies are still regarded as economic sages? (To put it another way: Why hasn't the Economics Department of the University of Chicago been mission-redirected to flower arranging? Why don't people burst out in hysterics at mention of "Chicago economist"?)

* And in general, why is there so often no reward for pols and pundits who are right and no punishment for those who are wrong?

Just listen.
Sewage

2012 FEBRUARY 20

by Ian Welsh

Why is Francis Fukuyama considered an intellectual? Why is he considered an intellectual worth of praise, his opinion important?

I ask this not because I don’t know the answer, I do, and I’ll get to it, but because so many people seem to believe he is an intellectual.

Let me quote Francis Fukuyama himself, from “The End of History” for no words I could write could condemn him as well as his own:
What we may be witnessing is not just the end of the Cold War, or the passing of a particular period of postwar history, but the end of history as such: that is, the end point of mankind’s ideological evolution and the universalization of Western liberal democracy as the final form of human government.

Have more stupid words every been written? Probably, but these are certainly in contention. The stupidity was evident at the time (I heard the title, in my twenties, and knew immediately the author was a high functioning liar or a high functioning moron), and the piece should have been published only as a way of letting him drive a stake through his own heart, at which point he would slink of into well deserved obscurity, being sure to never show his face in learned society ever again, to spare himself the titters, coughs and awkward “oh, umm, hello”s.

Our system actively promotes people who will lie in the right way without even having to be told to and actively gets rid of anyone who is not a useful idiot – by which I mean anyone who does not tell the lies useful to the powers that be. (Well, they can tell the occasional truth, on the rare occasion when it is useful.)

Still, Fukuyama at least made it look good. The newer generation, on both “left” and right barely even goes through the motions.

(Just to be clear, the "conclusion" I was referring to wasn't this last part, which is interesting but not quite so cosmic. It's the next-to-last part.)
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Monday, December 27, 2010

Why should WaPo dolt Robert Samuelson "get" the Irish mess better than anything else, or better than any other infotainment noozers?

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An abandoned new house on the Dublin–Sligo road,
County Leitrim, Ireland, April 2010

by Ken

I've been meaning to write something about the economic catastrophe in Ireland since I read Granta editor "Ireland: The Rise & the Crash," Ian Jack's discussion of the subject in the form of a review of Fintan O'Toole's book Ship of Fools: How Stupidity and Corruption Sank the Irish Tiger in the Nov. 11 New York Review of Books. Obviously I have no expertise in the subject, but Ian Jack's NYRB piece sure rings true, and leaves me feeling I have a surer grasp of the situation than, say, Washington Post and Newsweek financial columnist Robert J. Samuelson, whose recent column on the subject, "In Ireland's debt crisis, an ominous reckoning for Europe," I admit made me pretty crazy.

(In case you too were wondering, let me assure you that the dolt Robert Samuelson is no relation to the great Nobel-winning economist Paul Samuelson, author of the economics textbook that dominated the teaching of introductory economics in this country in the second half of the 20th century.)

Interestingly, it's not, as one might first assume, that the dolt Robert Samuelson is totally ignorant of the facts of the Irish crisis. This much of what he wrote is, it seems, actually true, as far as it goes:
That Ireland, after Greece, has come to grief is ironic. Until recently, it was admiringly dubbed the Celtic Tiger for emulating Asian countries in attracting foreign investment - Intel and others - and achieving rapid export-led growth. From 1987 to 2000, annual economic growth averaged 6.8 percent; unemployment fell from 16.9 percent to 4.3 percent. But then solid growth gave way to a housing boom and bubble whose collapse left Irish banks awash in bad loans.
Unfortunately, "ironic" doesn't begin to cover what happened in Ireland, which might more properly be described as naked colllusion between a network of flagrantly fraud-perpetrating Irish banksters and a criminally complaisant government.

"O'Toole," Jack writes, "divides Ireland's recent economic history into two periods: a period of controlled (some might say rational) growth between 1988 and 1997 and then the madcap Celtic Tiger years that ended in collapse." Even the dolt Robert Samuelson is sort of aware of this. He just chooses to draw a discreet curtain over his awareness regarding what happened in these two periods, and what it says about the experience of the Celtic Tiger.

The tremendous economic turnaround of that first period was real. Of course it's worlds removed from the miraculous Celtic Tiger image evangelized by dimwits and ideological hooligans whose number included American presidential candidate Young Johnny McCranky. Of the 1988-97 period of growth that would almost certainly have been sustainable, Jack writes:
Until the 1980s, Ireland had a miserable record of economic underperformance, unparalleled by any other country in Europe, which made it the despair of its people; no other European country, wrote the Irish historian John Joseph Lee, recorded so slow a rate of growth of national income in the twentieth century. It was the more prosperous parts of Europe, however, that provided Ireland's first way forward. The European Union classified the entire country as a disadvantaged area and poured in money from its regional and structural funds -- nearly €11 billion between 1987 and 1998 -- which O'Toole describes, rightly, as the kind of "classic big government interventionism" that the Celtic Tiger era affected to despise.

The Irish, meanwhile, were intervening themselves. Their government brokered a social partnership between bosses and trade unions and invested heavily in higher education, so that today more than 40 percent of the population aged twenty-five to thirty-four has completed "third-level" (university or equivalent) education, the second-highest rate in the EU. At a time of a prolonged global growth and American investment overseas, Ireland found itself lucky in other ways. Decades of emigration had left it with a preponderance of young people. It had no inheritance of heavy industry -- no steel works or mines to close or subsidize. Feminism arrived, with effects on both the birth rate and the workplace.

The peace process was meanwhile gathering strength in Northern Ireland -- the Provisional IRA declared its cease-fire in 1994 -- and the Catholic Church was losing its grip on morals and behavior. Society grew more secular, open, and tolerant. Gradually, Ireland appeared to the outside investor as a small, hospitable Anglophone country with an educated workforce and relatively low wages. Gross domestic product per capita, which had been two thirds of the EU average in 1986, achieved parity with the rest of Europe in 1997 and rose above Britain's in 1999. By the end of the century, every Viagra tablet made by Pfizer came out of County Cork and Ireland exported more computer software than any other country. O'Toole looks back fondly on this time: "The pall of failure that had hung over the Irish state for most of its independent existence seemed to have been blown away for ever."

But, Jack writes, O'Toole also sees the 1988-97 economic awakening as "a lost opportunity."
When [new Prime Minister Brian] Ahern's Fianna Fáil government came to power in 1997 [Ahern is seen at right resigning in not nearly enough disgrace in April 2008], Ireland had an "optimistic, confident" population facing "incredibly favorable global conditions."

The new government, however, believed it had discovered a quicker-acting formula for wealth creation: tax cuts to stimulate consumption, property to replace manufacturing as the source of wealth, Dublin to become a tax haven for businesses seeking to avoid the more rigorous regimes of London and New York. Ireland turned away from making and exporting goods as the source of its new well-being toward the evanescent world of money and debt. On the one hand, Dublin became the single largest location outside the US for the declared pre-tax profits of American firms. On the other, Ireland's balance of payment figures slid into the red. "Being prosperous would be replaced by feeling rich" is how O'Toole memorably captures the hidden agenda -- hidden, perhaps, even from its initiators. Ireland was far from the only country to embrace it, but by O'Toole's argument the other countries that did (including the UK) had longer and more robust traditions of relatively clean governance and civic behavior.

Thus the ground was laid for what O'Toole calls "a lethal cocktail of global ideology and Irish habits" --
habits or attitudes, that is, born during the unhappiest years of Irish history. These "nineteenth-century revenants" included a primitive land hunger, a political system inspired by the Irish-Americans of Tammany Hall, subversive attitudes to authority born under British rule, and heroic powers of denial ("the unknown knowns"). Revelations of cruelty and hypocrisy had ended the authority of the Catholic Church, but no civic morality had been put in its place and memories of its old instructions, or lack of them, remained. As O'Toole puts it, "Masturbation was a much more serious sin than tax evasion."

Naturally the assumption by people like the dolt Robert Samuelson is that Ireland's economic collapse was caused by the inevitable collapse from a shockingly irresponsible orgy of borrowing. And so, I guess, it was, but not in the way that the usual right-wing apostles of fiscal "austerity" would have us believe. It was, in fact, an out-and-out collusion between a crooked government and crooked banksters, with crooked developers and builders doing the dirty work for them.

But before we come back to how this colossal ripoff was managed, it's important to remember that many of those people who now preach fiscal "austerity" were once the most fervid evangelists of Celtic Tigerism. Ian Jack recalls:
Until the crash, Ireland was an economy to be admired rather than examined, to be emulated rather than avoided. It took a long time for the truth to come out. In February 2008 -- shortly before Scotland's own banks went belly up -- the leader of the Scottish National Party, Alex Salmond, was promising that an independent Scotland would create "a Celtic Lion economy to rival the Celtic Tiger across the Irish Sea." Later in the same year Phil Gramm, economics adviser to presidential candidate John McCain, described Ireland as the "perfect example" of a country that had prospered through tax rates that were among the lowest in the world: "Senator McCain's people immigrated from Ireland along with millions of others because they were hungry. Today…they [the Irish] have overtaken Americans in per capita income."

McCain himself returned to the example in his televised debates with Obama, comparing American and Irish business taxes to show why America needed to cut them. "One of history's weirdest reversals," writes O'Toole: for centuries the Irish had dreamed of becoming Americans, and now some Americans wanted to be more like the Irish -- not the charming, peasant Irish of John Ford's The Quiet Man but the new Irish, with a Mercedes in the carport, a vacation home in Marbella, and corporation tax set at 12.5 percent. Ireland, though it belonged to the European Union and had earlier benefited from EU largesse, began to see itself as an outpost of American (or Anglo-American) free-market values on the far edge of a continent where various brands of social democracy were still the political norm.

Did you get that? "An outpost of American (or Anglo-American) free-market values on the far edge of a continent where various brands of social democracy were still the political norm."

Low taxes, as suggested here, were a crucial part of the that second, phony-baloney period of Irish economic "growth." In reality, there wasn't any "growth." It was all a charade, in which government policies not only allowed but encouraged the banksters to pump up the economy with staggering quantities of loans for the building of buildings all over the country that never had any possibility of realizing any economic return. In the sense that there were actual buildings built, I suppose you could say that the Irish housing bubble was more "real" than the final fatal acceleration of ours, which was built on the spectacular creation of new "value" in the form of mortgages that had scarcely any value relative to the prices for which they were bought and sold in the form of bundled securities.

But again, that staggering inventory of new buildings, never had any real prospect of being occupied, and for that matter were never intended to be. They were just the way all that created money was pumped into the economy. Of course it was still a form of Ponzi scheme, since as all that money moved from party to party, eventually there had to be a party left holding the bag, in the form of all those empty buildings. O'Toole and Jack offer as an example, the explosion of construction, virtually all of it now unoccupied in the 613-square-mile hard-scrabble county of Leitrim, whose population declined from 155,000 in 1841 ("before the famine and the collapse of its handloom industry") to under 30,000 today, when, Jack writes:
Bright signs stick above the dark hedgerows: "Luxury development of highly distinctive homes" and "€100,000 off original price." Behind each of them lies a cluster of two-story houses with pitched roofs and carports that could just as easily belong in the suburbs of London or New York. Very few are occupied, some are unfinished, dandelions sprout on lawns that have run wild. Who was expected here? They look like houses built for junior executives with two children and two cars, but how many of them could the Leitrim economy possibly have supported even when the boom was at its height? They add another layer of human absence to the fields around them: first, the people who went away; now, the people who never came.

Did anyone really believe there was ever going to be real-world demand for all those houses? Wasn't the ending, as emblemized by the photo at the top of this post, always inevitable? Well, sure, but meanwhile a lot of people pocketed a lot of euros from that pumped-up economy. And as noted, a lot of right-wing economic preachers held it up as an example to be emulated. Eventually the finance minister, Brian Lenihan, offered the piquant explanation that Ireland is a small country "with too many incestuous relationships." Oh, do you think?
In 2006, at the height of the boom, construction accounted for almost a quarter of Ireland's GDP and occupied a fifth of the workforce. Thousands of workers came from the poorer regions of Europe to meet the demand; Ireland, one of the great historical sources of emigration, became a net importer of labor. The migrants rented houses built by an earlier wave of migrants, while they built more houses that their employers hoped would be occupied by the next wave. The increase in debt was terrifying, or should have been (the taoiseach or prime minister, Bertie Ahern, cheerfully remarked, "The boom is getting boomier"). Bank lending for construction and real estate rose from €5.5 billion in 1999 to €96.2 billion in 2007 -- an increase of 1,730 percent -- while house prices doubled in the six years to 2006. Estates for commuters now spread a long way out from Dublin. It cost more to service a mortgage on a house in a muddy field two hours' drive from the city's center, remote from shops and schools, than to pay rent for similar accommodation in a desirable part of the city. And on such mortgages the average Dublin couple spent a third of its income.

There had been warnings. As early as August 2000, well before the peak, a report from the IMF concluded that there hadn't been "a single experience of price inflation on the scale of Ireland's which did not end in prices falling." In 2006, Professor Morgan Kelly of University College Dublin said there could be no "soft landing" for property values that had risen so much more steeply than incomes. Nobody wanted to listen. Prime Minister Ahern mocked Kelly as a moaner, and the press tended to take Ahern's side. More remarkable, as O'Toole writes, was how few mainstream economists came to Kelly's defense:
Every historically literate economist knew for sure that the Irish property boom was going to crash…. Yet the overwhelming majority of Irish economists either contented themselves with timid and carefully couched murmurs of unease, or, in the case of most of those who worked for stockbrokers, banks, and building societies and who dominated media discussion of the issue, joined in the reassurances about soft landings.

There were reasons, O'Toole and Jack explain, why so many people with emotional or political stakes in the illusion of the boom were "so stubborn in their refusal to see the blindingly obvious." In the end O'Toole chalks up the phantasmagoric Celtic Tiger "miracle" to the aforementioned "lethal cocktail of global ideology and Irish habits."

The total cost of the bailouts so far authorized or envisaged as "somewhere between €45 and €50 billion," with Ireland's budget deficit rising "from 12 to 32 percent of GDP." According to the now-standard formula, the people who created the problem are to a large extent being paid off -- by Irish taxpayers, of course. And the chorus of Big Money sycophants like the dolt Robert Samuelson tell us that the answer to the Irish blunder is . . . you guessed it, austerity. Every country, it appears, has its Villagers, and they all seem to have learned the same patter, even as the rich get richer and the rest of us get screwed.

And the solution -- we're all told -- is austerity. Check.
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Sunday, October 24, 2010

Calculating the price we'll pay for the blunderings of both parties' leaderships

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"2013 – In charge of the judiciary, Congress and the Presidency, and with hard right crazies as a substantial caucus, the Republicans finally repeal the New Deal."
-- Ian Welsh, in his prognisticating blogpost today,

by Ken

The economy could be in worse shape, Frank Rich notes today, and probably would be if Republicans had been allowed to apply the neo-Hooverist "policies" (for want of a better word) that are all they seem to have to offer. He recites the "catechism" of reasons why the administration has reaped no credit for such accomplishments as it can legitimately claim: "the dark cloud cast by undiminished unemployment, the relentless disinformation campaign of his political opponents, and the White House's surprising ineptitude at selling its own achievements." But, he continues --
the most relentless drag on a chief executive who promised change we can believe in is even more ominous. It's the country's fatalistic sense that the stacked economic order that gave us the Great Recession remains not just in place but more entrenched and powerful than ever.

No matter how much Obama talks about his "tough" new financial regulatory reforms or offers rote condemnations of Wall Street greed, few believe there's been real change. That's not just because so many have lost their jobs, their savings and their homes. It's also because so many know that the loftiest perpetrators of this national devastation got get-out-of-jail-free cards, that too-big-to-fail banks have grown bigger and that the rich are still the only Americans getting richer.

Rich reminds us: "This intractable status quo is being rubbed in our faces daily during the pre-election sprint by revelations of the latest banking industry outrage, its disregard for the rule of law as it cut every corner to process an avalanche of foreclosures."

With more than passing reference to Inside Job, the new documentary about the global economic meltdown, noting wryly the devastating portrayal of the administration's departing economic point man, Larry Summers, in both it and The Social Network, he takes the administration to task for a failure we've been screaming about for close to two years: the failure even to attempt to establish what went wrong, both for crucial informational value and in the interest of punishing legal wrongdoing. "Asked in 'Inside Job' why there's been no systematic investigation of the 2008 crash, ["star economist" Nouriel] Roubini answers: 'Because then you'd find the culprits.'"

Rich has a lot to say about this failure to hold to any standard of legal accountability for possible crimes, which both demoralizes the country at large and encourages the criminals to push further to see how much more they can get away with.
The real tragedy here, though, is not whatever happens in midterm elections. It's the long-term prognosis for America. The obscene income inequality bequeathed by the three-decade rise of the financial industry has societal consequences graver than even the fundamental economic unfairness. When we reward financial engineers infinitely more than actual engineers, we "lure our most talented graduates to the largely unproductive chase" for Wall Street riches, as the economist Robert H. Frank wrote in The Times last weekend. Worse, Frank added, the continued squeeze on the middle class leads to a wholesale decline in the quality of American life -- from more bankruptcy filings and divorces to a collapse in public services, whether road repair or education, that taxpayers will no longer support.

Even as the G.O.P. benefits from unlimited corporate campaign money, it's pulling off the remarkable feat of persuading a large swath of anxious voters that it will lead a populist charge against the rulers of our economic pyramid -- the banks, energy companies, insurance giants and other special interests underwriting its own candidates. Should those forces prevail, an America that still hasn't remotely recovered from the worst hard times in 70 years will end up handing over even more power to those who greased the skids.


IAN WELSH LOOKS IN HIS CRYSTAL BALL TO PROJECT:
"HOW THE NEXT 4 YEARS WILL PLAY OUT"


For anyone trying to imagine how the current toxic political process will play out in the years to come, Ian Welsh prognosticates today on his blog:
2010 – Republicans take control of the House. The Senate remains in Democratic hands, but the margin is reduced.

2011 – Bush's tax cuts are extended. Social Security is slashed. This is done at Obama's behest, so that Dems get blamed for it.

2012 – The Republicans take the Senate (this is virtually guaranteed, 2012′s geography is awful for Dems).They retain the House. They probably take the Presidency.

2013 – In charge of the judiciary, Congress and the Presidency, and with hard right crazies as a substantial caucus, the Republicans finally repeal the New Deal. SS is turned into privatized accounts (older folks will keep most of what they have), Medicare is slashed going forward, regulatory agencies the EPA are cut to the bone, education is turned over to the private sector as the Feds withdraw virtually all support for public schools and move to a voucher system. A new bubble (the last one) is inflated at all costs by Bernanke. Massive slashing of the federal civil service occurs, programs which are not slashed are transferred down to the States, where corruption is easier.

2014 – President Teabag starts a war somewhere to keep pump up the military Keynesianism. Said war is used as an excuse to even further curtail civil liberties.

If the Republicans don't win the presidency in 2012, no big deal, they'll still control Congress and the Supremes, and they'll get him in in 2016. (Obama will do much of what they want anyway, and get the blame.)

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Monday, May 03, 2010

Comedy Tonight: From the unique comedy stylings of Al "Mumbles" Greenspan

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by Ken

Are you sitting down for this? Trust me, you'll thank me later.

Our colleague Ryan Grim, HuffPost's indefatigable senior congressional correspondent, went rummaging in the newly released transcript of a March 2004 Federal Reserve meeting, included with the transcripts of Federal Open Market Committee meetings for 2004 released on Friday (that's the most recent year for which transcripts are available), and passes on a gem, for both news and comedy value, spotted by CalculatedRisk

Ryan notes that the subject of a possibly dangerous housing bubble came up at that March 2004 meeting, with alarm being voiced by at least one participant, Atlanta Fed President Jack Guynn. He adds: "Had Guynn's warning been heeded and the housing market cooled, the financial collapse of 2008 could have been avoided." But then-Fed chairman Al "Mumbles" Greenspan kept said discussion strictly within the Fed's Cone of Silence. This is actually a fairly substantial news story: that the Fed Open Market Committee actually discussed the housing bubble at a time when its official policy was that no such thing existed.

But from the comedic standpoint what's truly magnificent is the way the great man ordered that the subject be kept in strict Fed confidence. This is our Mumbles at his most side-splittingly hilarious:
We run the risk, by laying out the pros and cons of a particular argument, of inducing people to join in on the debate, and in this regard it is possible to lose control of a process that only we fully understand.

Note: Emphasis in the above added by yours truly. But that's right, ladies and germs: "that only we fully understand"! And so today's Henny Youngman "You Can't Make This Stuff Up" Award for Comedy goes, uncontested, to the Mumbling Man.

I don't have the transcript, but I'm guessing that Al's next joke was: "Take my wife, please!"
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Tuesday, December 15, 2009

Sorry to be late with the latest panic report -- The Doom of Debt -- but it's never too early or late to start panicking!

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"The Post could not be bothered to write about the housing bubble as the danger was mounting, only giving attention to the likes of Alan Greenspan and Ben Bernanke, who told us everything was fine, or even better, presenting readers with the assessment of David Lereah, the chief economist of the National Realtors Association and the author of the 2006 bestseller, Why the Real Estate Boom Will Not Bust and How You Can Profit From It.

"Now that the economy has collapsed due to the incompetence of the people whom the Post deems experts, the Post is going back to those exact same experts and telling readers that we have to cut Social Security and Medicare."


-- Dean Baker, in "The Washington Post Is Panicked
Again!!!!!!," on his Beat the Press blog yesterday


by Ken

I realize that my tardiness with this panic report may have cost some of you a full day of good, honest panicking. I mean, who doesn't like to get in on the ground floor of a good, spine-tingling panic? Certainly the Washington Post doesn't intend to be out-panicked. Here's Dean Baker's report from yesterday on his Beat the Press blog:

The Washington Post Is Panicked, Again!!!!!!

The Washington Post is widely known for giving shrill warnings about the deficit danger, but this one is really over the top. It is literally titled: "the coming debt panic." The piece tells readers of the urgency of reining in the debt, telling readers that: "failing to do so will lower the national standard of living."

Sorry folks, this is not true. To push its deficit reduction position, the Post is doing what folks in Washington call "dissembling." They have another word for it everywhere else. Standard economic models do show that deficits can slow economic growth by crowding out investment, they do not show that this impact will be large enough to actually lead to declining standards of living, or at least not any time soon.

The editorial also has the gall to emphasize the problem by telling readers: "consider: In the space of a single fiscal year, 2009, the debt soared from 41 percent of the gross domestic product to 53 percent." This should have readers have everywhere setting their newspapers and computers on fire.

Yes, the debt rose from 41 percent of GDP to 53 percent, but the reason was not profligate spending by Congress or even irresponsible tax cuts. The reason for the surge in the debt was the economic crisis brought about by the collapse of the housing bubble.

The Post could not be bothered to write about the housing bubble as the danger was mounting, only giving attention to the likes of Alan Greenspan and Ben Bernanke, who told us everything was fine, or even better, presenting readers with the assessment of David Lereah, the chief economist of the National Realtors Association and the author of the 2006 bestseller, Why the Real Estate Boom Will Not Bust and How You Can Profit From It.

Now that the economy has collapsed due to the incompetence of the people whom the Post deems experts, the Post is going back to those exact same experts and telling readers that we have to cut Social Security and Medicare.

I'd write more, but it's difficult on a burning computer.
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Wednesday, August 12, 2009

Chairman Ben holds a commanding lead in his bid for reappointment to the Fed -- of course, he's running unopposed

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Housing bubble? Hmm, doesn't ring a bell with the
sages who want four more years of Chairman Ben.


by Ken

As you may (or then again may not) have noticed, Federal Reserve Chairman Ben Bernanke has been in active campaign mode for reappointment when his four-year term expires early next year. If you haven't noticed, it may be because there's so much noise on the political front, and it may also be because what you think doesn't matter when it comes to the choice of a Fed chairman. When you get right down to it, the only people whose views seem to matter are the tame-sheep orthodox economists -- you know, the people who at the very least missed just about everything that happened to bring the economy crashing down.

And no, they aren't by any means the only voices to be heard in the professional economics community. They're just the ones whose voices are heard in the establishment media -- notably, in this case, the Wall Street Journal. The last major text, of course, was the housing bubble that Bernanke's predecessor, 18-year Fed Chairman Alan Greenspan, insisted never existed, though he did do a tiny bit of hemming and hawing after the bubble that didn't exist burst. Economists like Nobelist Joseph Stiglitz and (now also Nobelist) Paul Krugman certainly noticed, and so did Dean Baker, co-director of the Center for Economic and Policy Research.

Dean has some thoughts about the intersection of Chairman Ben's reelection campaign and the WSJ on his Beat the Press blog at The American Prospect (cross-posted on HuffPost):

Isn't Missing an $8 Trillion Housing Bubble a Mistake?

Not according to the WSJ. It tells us that economists are near unanimous in thinking that Federal Reserve Board Chairman Ben Bernanke should be reappointed.

After telling us that the economists who it polled were nearly unanimous in believing that Bernanke should be reappointed as Fed chair, the article concludes:

"Though the economists were overwhelmingly supportive of Mr. Bernanke, they don't think his tenure was without mistakes. A slow initial response to the credit squeeze and the decision to let Lehman Brothers fail were cited as the biggest errors."

The article never once mentions Bernanke's error in allowing the housing bubble to grow to a size where its collapse would inevitably produce a disastrous downturn. Bernanke completely ignored the bubble first as a Fed governor from 2002 to 2005, then as head of President Bush's Council of Economic Advisors until he took over as Fed chair in January of 2006, and in his tenure as Fed chair until the collapse of the bubble brought on the downturn.

It would be difficult to imagine a more catastrophic mistake by an economic policymaker than missing such an enormous economic behavior. There are few people in any job who have ever committed such an enormous error. Yet, the WSJ never even mentions it. (Obviously another example of the soft bigotry of low expectations for economic policymakers.)

It would be interesting to see the results of a poll on Bernanke's reappointment of economists who did recognize the housing bubble and the danger it posed to the economy. -- Dean Baker
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