Friday, October 16, 2020

"That's A Little Unusual"

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Sheldon Whitehouse (D-RI) presented a must-watch civics seminar during the Amy Coney Island Baby confirmation hearings. It was a little less than half an hour long but it really should be watched by every American, especially those wondering what all the noise is about around Coney Island Baby's nomination.


An antiquated seniority system among Senate Democrats puked up an incompetent and senile Dianne Feinstein as the completely ineffective leader of the Democratic efforts to derail ACB. Instead Feinstein, exposing Chuck Schumer as the anti-reform Senate leader he is. Whitehouse of Dick Durbin should have been leading the effort.

I had just returned to the U.S. from living almost 4 years abroad when I first heard of Dianne Feinstein. She was a member of the San Francisco Board of Supervisors at the time-- a putative Democrat, but in reality the conservative Republican in all but name on that body. Harvey Milk was also a member and we were close enough friends for him to rail against her after nearly every meeting. Anyway, long story short, Feinstein is conservative and corrupt and I never voted for he when she ran for supervisor, nor for mayor-- I supported Jello Biafra-- nor for governor, nor for senator. Last time she ran I worked to try to elect progressive state Senator Kevin de León, who took 5,093,942 votes to her 6,019,422 (which included many Republicans, since there was no one from their own party in the general election). She won 18 counties-- including most of the big ones-- to de León's 40 counties (including Riverside, San Bernardino, Fresno and Kern). There was plenty of monkey business from the Democratic Party establishment on her behalf but she was reelected. But that shouldn't mean a doddering fool should be placed in an important position simply because of seniority.




The Washington Post reported Feinstein's remarks as the hearing wrapped up: "This has been one of the best set of hearings that I’ve participated in. It leaves one with a lot of hopes, a lot of questions and even some ideas perhaps of good bipartisan legislation we can put together." She then thanked Lindsey Graham and walked across the room-- maskless-- and hugged him, also maskless.
“It’s time for Sen. Feinstein to step down from her leadership position on the Senate Judiciary Committee,” Brian Fallon, the executive director of Demand Justice, said in a statement. “If she won’t, her colleagues need to intervene.”

His organization, which opposes conservative judicial nominees, accused the senator of undermining liberals’ calls for a filibuster and court reform, “straight through to thanking Republicans” for what it called “the most egregious partisan power grab” in the high court’s modern history.

...That she praised Graham’s oversight of the process, and then got up and hugged him, was simply the final provocation for many liberals.

“That she can say this about this ongoing travesty,” said Jon Lovett, a former aide to President Barack Obama and co-host of Pod Save America, “is another sad statement about how poorly represented we are by Dianne Feinstein.”

...[I]n recent years, the 87-year-old senator has often gotten more attention for her gaffes. Last year, she was panned on Saturday Night Live for a now-infamous interaction in which she dismissed a group of schoolchildren asking her to advocate for the Green New Deal.





In 2018, during the Senate confirmation hearings for Brett M. Kavanaugh, she drew intense scrutiny for waiting weeks to publicize sexual assault accusations against him from Christine Blasey Ford. The California Democratic Party denied her its endorsement that year, though she easily beat back a more liberal challenger.

Even before the Senate took up another nomination this month, Democrats expressed concerns that Feinstein-- the oldest lawmaker in her chamber and the second-oldest in Congress-- had grown too disengaged to fight the GOP tooth-and-nail over the future of Ginsburg’s seat.

Republicans, too, denounced Feinstein, seizing on comments she made about Barrett’s religious “dogma” during the judge’s confirmation proceedings for the 7th District U.S. Court of Appeals.

...[M]any observers on the left gave her failing marks. She did not, for example, put up much of a battle against Graham when the committee was not at quorum, they pointed out.

“I don’t care that Feinstein and Graham are friends,” wrote Susan Hennessey, executive editor of the Lawfare blog. “I care that Feinstein catastrophically mismanaged the hearings, was outwitted without realizing it, and did a grave disservice to the public.”

Others slammed Feinstein for offering positive praise to Graham as he is locked in a tight race against Jaime Harrison, a former South Carolina Democratic Party chair who has shattered fundraising records in recent months.

Many began floating ideas for ways to force her out of the Senate Judiciary Committee, especially if the Democrats take the White House: Vote her out. Replace her with Rep. Katie Porter (D-CA) Appoint her to a Cabinet position. Send her to Paris!vv Or, as the comedian Billy Eichner said: “Time to retire.”
And, by the way, ProgressivePunch has given Feinstein's voting record a solid "F," only 13 Democrats voting against progressive roll calls more frequently-- none of them in safe blue seats the way she is. Please watch White House's tutorial and imagine what might have happened if Schumer had appointed him ranking member instead of Feinstein.

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Thursday, September 27, 2018

Midnight Meme Of The Day!

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by Noah

The latest statistics from RAINN (The Rape, Abuse, Incest National Network), show us that 1 in 6 women has been a victim of rape. 70% of rape cases go unreported, either at the time or until much later if at all, and 99% of rape perps go free. All of this relates closely to the desire of Trumpanzee and his Republican Party to put Brett Kavanaugh on the Supreme Court. Rape and sexual abuse of any kind just doesn't seem to be seen as a big problem if you have the mind of a republican. As I said before, it's not just about Roe v. Wade, it's about a republican philosophy of misuse of power, physical and otherwise, and the desire to dominate. To the current political vermin in the news this week, such things are obviously sources of jokes, laughter, and having a good ol' time.

Take the 11 old angry white men who make up the republican contingent of the Senate Judiciary Committee. To them, the accusations against Brett Kavanaugh seem to be every bit as unimportant as the more blatant evidence that he has a history of perjuring himself. Obviously, any credibility that the Supreme Court may still have means nothing to the repugs on the Judiciary Committee either. The court is just another plaything.

If we are honest, we know and admit what these 11 are. Given the cavalier attitudes of the Kavanaugh 11 and their cohorts in the Senate and in the White House, how can we not suspect that a certain percentage of these overgrown fratboys aren't guilty of the very same things that Kavanaugh is being accused of, if not worse, whether it was 35 years ago or last weekend? And, given the large percentage of women who have been victims of rape, how can we not suspect the worst of these men who continuously display such horrifically "who cares" bad character. Note that such a worm as Mitch McConnell isn't among the 11 pictured and neither is the thing that nominated Kavanaugh in the first place; a cretin that is a confessed sexual predator.

Then there's the shear hypocrisy of wanting Kavanaugh on the court not just because he will protect them and their beloved president from the chips of the Russia investigation, but because he will vote to overturn Roe v. Wade. It would be so nice to know which of these stinking turds in suits have ever paid for an abortion for a girlfriend or two, even after publicly proclaiming that they are anti-choice. OK, to be fair (and I'm always fair), let's just ask that question of 9 or 10 of the 11. Then, given the environment of the Washington power-mad political world, take a look at these 11 men and wonder "Which one is a rapist?"

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Monday, September 17, 2018

Brett Kavanaugh's #MeToo Moment — Questions Raised As His Accuser Comes Forward

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"Frat fun" or rape culture in action? Signs on a frat-connected house near Old Dominion University in Virginia (source)

by Gaius Publius

This is Brett Kavanaugh's #MeToo moment. An accusation of attempted rape (a crime) against Brett Kavanaugh has been lodged against him.

Initially the accusation came via a letter given in July — at separate times and under request of confidentiality — to the Washington Post, to House Rep. Anna Eshoo, and to Senate Judiciary Committee member Dianne Feinstein.

Senator Feinstein, as a member of the Judiciary Committee sitting in hearings on Kavanaugh, was the only person in position to act. Here's what she did (or failed to do):
  • For two months, failed to reveal the existence (not the contents, just the existence) of the letter to fellow Democrats
  • Then, when its existence was leaked to the public, refused to reveal its contents to fellow Democrats
  • Finally, after coming under fire for withholding the letter, sent the letter only to the FBI, who will not investigate further
End of matter, or so Ms. Feinstein thought.

The woman who wrote the accusatory letter has now come forward to tell her story in her own voice and for attribution. It's quite an explosive tale, and the bomb it contains threatens not just Kavanaugh and committee Republicans, but Democrats as well. Parallels to Democrats' handling of Anita Hill and her accusations against Clarence Thomas are obvious and striking.

The Story

First the accusation. Part of it is contained in a New Yorker piece by Ronan Farrow and Jane Mayer, which maintained the woman's anonymity (at her request). The full story comes from this piece in the Washington Post (my emphasis throughout):
Earlier this summer, Christine Blasey Ford wrote a confidential letter to a senior Democratic lawmaker alleging that Supreme Court nominee Brett M. Kavanaugh sexually assaulted her more than three decades ago, when they were high school students in suburban Maryland. Since Wednesday, she has watched as that bare-bones version of her story became public without her name or her consent, drawing a blanket denial from Kavanaugh and roiling a nomination that just days ago seemed all but certain to succeed.

Now, Ford has decided that if her story is going to be told, she wants to be the one to tell it.

Speaking publicly for the first time, Ford said that one summer in the early 1980s, Kavanaugh and a friend — both “stumbling drunk,” Ford alleges — corralled her into a bedroom during a gathering of teenagers at a house in Montgomery County.

While his friend watched, she said, Kavanaugh pinned her to a bed on her back and groped her over her clothes, grinding his body against hers and clumsily attempting to pull off her one-piece bathing suit and the clothing she wore over it. When she tried to scream, she said, he put his hand over her mouth.

“I thought he might inadvertently kill me,” said Ford, now a 51-year-old research psychologist in northern California. “He was trying to attack me and remove my clothing.”

Ford said she was able to escape when Kavanaugh’s friend and classmate at Georgetown Preparatory School, Mark Judge, jumped on top of them, sending all three tumbling. She said she ran from the room, briefly locked herself in a bathroom and then fled the house.
A timeline of events:
Christine Ford is a professor at Palo Alto University who teaches in a consortium with Stanford University, training graduate students in clinical psychology. Her work has been widely published in academic journals.

She contacted The Post through a tip line in early July, when it had become clear that Kavanaugh was on the shortlist of possible nominees to replace retiring justice Anthony M. Kennedy but before Trump announced his name publicly. A registered Democrat who has made small contributions to political organizations, she contacted her congresswoman, Democrat Anna G. Eshoo, around the same time. In late July, she sent a letter via Eshoo’s office to Sen. Dianne Feinstein of California, the ranking Democrat on the Judiciary Committee.

In the letter, which was read to The Post, Ford described the incident and said she expected her story to be kept confidential.
According to the Post, Blasey Ford took and passed a polygraph test in August: "The results, which Katz provided to The Post, concluded that Ford was being truthful when she [that] said a statement summarizing her allegations was accurate."

There's more in the Post account, which should be read in full.

Questions

This new information raises a number of questions.

About Kavanaugh, Mark Judge and Christine Blasey Ford:

1. Did Brett Kavanaugh commit the crime of which he's accused while attending an elite academy, Georgetown Preparatory School, in the Washington D.C area?

2. If he did, does that disqualify him for a seat on the Supreme Court?

3. Will any further investigation, by anyone, take place?

4. Both Kavanaugh and Judge have denied the incident happened at all — i.e, that this isn't a he-said, she-said story, but a complete fabrication. Will Kavanaugh and Judge stick to their denials if other corroboration emerges?

5. Mark Judge has written a book about his life as a teenage alcoholic (Wasted: Tales of a GenX Drunk). This plays into a narrative that "something may have happened but we don't know what" — not a  narrative of "she's flat out lying." In addition, The Post says this about Kavanaugh:
In his senior-class yearbook entry at Georgetown Prep, Kavanaugh made several references to drinking, claiming membership to the “Beach Week Ralph Club” and “Keg City Club.” He and Judge are pictured together at the beach in a photo in the yearbook.
And later in the article, notes that:
[In his book] Judge ... described his own blackout drinking and a culture of partying among students at his high school, renamed in the book “Loyola Prep.” Kavanaugh is not mentioned in the book, but a passage about partying at the beach one summer makes glancing reference to a “Bart O’Kavanaugh,” who “puked in someone’s car the other night” and “passed out on his way back from a party.”
In Ms. Ford's telling, both men were "stumbling drunk." Will the optics of heavy drinking undermine all the denials?

6. Is there something we don't know about Kavanaugh's current drinking?

7. Judge has since implied that this could have been an incident of "rough-housing": "I can recall a lot of rough-housing with guys. It was an all-boys school, we would rough-house with each other ... I don't remember any of that stuff going on with girls." Is his story starting to drift?

8. The accuser has taken and passed a lie detector test. Will Kavanaugh submit to a lie detector test? Will Mark Judge? How will the public respond if both refuse?

9. Will Christine Blasey Ford, the accuser, hold up under the pressure of a story this explosive, with the stakes this high?

About the politics:

1. Republicans called this a "late hit" and a "last ditch smear." (If you google "Kavanaugh late hit" you'll find the phrase everywhere on the right, suggesting coordination.) How else will they respond?

2. Will Republicans attack Ms. Blasey Ford's character as they did Anita Hill's? Through an operative (David Brock) they accused Anita Hill of being "a little bit nutty and a little bit slutty." How will they attack Blasey Ford?

3. Will Democrats abandon Kavanaugh's accuser as they did Anita Hill?
After the Thomas hearings concluded, it emerged that Senator Joe Biden, who was the Democratic chairman of the Judiciary Committee at the time, had failed to call three additional women to the witness stand who had been willing to offer testimony confirming Hill’s complaints about Thomas’s inappropriate behavior toward women. Last December, Biden, who may run for President in 2020, publicly apologized for failing Hill, saying, “I wish I had been able to do more.”
Edit Biden's quote to read "I wish I had decided to do more" and the statement fits the facts. Democrats made a calculation that put Clarence Thomas on the Supreme Court. Only their own cowardice, self-interest, or complicity prevented them from calling the corroborating witnesses they had available.

4. Will Democrats take maximum tactical advantage of this new information, or will they continue to go through the motions, treating this confirmation fight as hopeless while making strong speeches?

5. Will any Republican men stand up for Blasey Ford?

About Dianne Feinstein:

1. What were Dianne Feinstein's motives in keeping other committee Democrats in the dark about this letter?
Sources who worked for other members of the Judiciary Committee said that they respected the need to protect the woman’s privacy, but that they didn’t understand why Feinstein had resisted answering legitimate questions about the allegation. “We couldn’t understand what their rationale is for not briefing members on this. This is all very weird,” one of the congressional sources said. Another added, “She’s had the letter since late July. And we all just found out about it.”
Feinstein had the letter since July, yet confirmed its existence only in September, when the story leaked. She was clearly trying to control the way the rest of the committee handled the nomination: "Feinstein also acted out of a sense that Democrats would be better off focussing on legal, rather than personal, issues in their questioning of Kavanaugh."

Was she trying to help Kavanaugh deliberately or just inadvertently?

2. Will Dianne Feinstein, up for re-election in 2018, pay a price with voters, especially with women voters, for her apparent sabotage of Democratic efforts to block Kavanaugh's confirmation?

3. Will Dianne Feinstein pay a price with Senate women for her part in what looks like a #MeToo cover-up? Al Franken, let's not forget, was driven from the Senate by Kirstin Gillibrand and others based on a #MeToo accusation and prior to any investigation.

4. If not, why not?

About Susan Collins and Lisa Murkowski:

1. Will this revelation affect the Kavanaugh confirmation votes of senators Susan Collins and Lisa Murkowski?

2. Or will Joe Manchin, Heidi Heitkamp, Joe Donnelly and Doug Jones make it easy for them both by voting yes to confirm, allowing Collins and Murkowski to vote no "on principle"?

3. Will Maine voters give Susan Collins another term in the Senate anyway? After all, she's been silent on Kavanaugh since the nomination was announced and the threat to Roe v. Wade became apparent.

Finally, next steps and the future:

1. The Judiciary Committee is scheduled to vote on Kavanaugh on Thursday, September 20. Will Republicans accelerate the schedule in order to fast-track the confirmation?

2. If Democrats are ineffective in handling this story — if they look like they're just "going through the motions" — will it affect the anticipated blue wave of 2018? Will Democrats continue to be seen as heroes of the anti-Trump resistance, or will enough voters give up on them to reduce the wave to a large and interesting ripple?

3. Will Republicans pay a price in 2018 with Republican women if this story evolves badly for them?

4. At what point will the illegitimacy of the Supreme Court rend the fabric, the American social contract, beyond repair?

Much to consider. Much to watch.

And if this plays out as it looks like it might, much to respond to when the dust has settled and the bipartisan deed has been done.

GP
 

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Tuesday, November 14, 2017

Does It Surprise You That Trump Is Dragging The Federal Judiciary Into His Kakistocracy?

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Kakistocracy is a relatively new word for most of us. It was coined in the 1600s but didn't come into popular usage until the election last November. Kakistocracy is "a system of government which is run by the worst, least qualified, or most unscrupulous citizens." In case you were wondering, the word in Russian is kakistokratiya (какистократия).

At this point you may be thinking about about the start railing on Wilbur Ross, Scott Pruitt, Mike Pence, Steven Mnuchin, Jeff Sessions, Ryan Zine, Tom Price Alex Azar, Betsy DeVos (or her brother Erik Prince) or Rick Perry... or Trump's grifter family or Trump's now-disgraced generals. But no; ever heard of Brett Talley?

The Senate Judiciary Committee-- in a strictly party line 11-9 vote-- just recommended that the Senate confirm Talley for a lifetime position presiding over the federal judiciary in the state of Alabama. Most people who know anything about Talley (36) would describe him as a far right nut lawyer who has worked as a political hack, not as an attorney and has never tried a case in his life. Trump nominated him for one overriding reason. Talley nominated himself for the "best Trumpism yet," tweeting "Hillary Rotten Clinton."

The American Bar Association unanimously voted Talley "not qualified" for confirmation, sending the Judiciary Committee a letter, explaining that Talley doesn't have "the requisite trial experience or its equivalent." Blogging and tweeting isn't the equivalent of trial experience? And remember that the ABA has only unanimously voted 4 times in the last 28 years-- the number of years they've been posting their decisions online-- to deem a federal judicial nominee "not qualified," two being Trump nominees (the other being Leonard Steven Grasz of Omaha)-- not even Jeff Mateer, who attracted controversy over speeches in which he said transgender children are proof that "Satan’s plan is working," while describing same-sex marriage as a harbinger for "disgusting" practices such as polygamy and bestiality, and admitting discriminating based on sexual orientation.
Talley's involvement in overtly political work appeared to arouse concern from some on the Senate Judiciary Committee about his ability to rule fairly over cases.

Feinstein noted tweets in which Talley had referred to the 2016 Democratic nominee for president as "Hillary Rotten Clinton" and blog posts he authored that seemed to display a steadfast allegiance to gun rights advocates.

A month after a gunman killed 20 children at the Sandy Hook Elementary School in Newtown, Conn., Talley described efforts by the Obama administration to advance gun control legislation as follows: "the President and his democratic allies in Congress are about to launch the greatest attack on our constitutional freedoms in our lifetime."

One month later, as the national debate over gun control raged on, Talley responded to a reader's comment that "[w]e will have to resort to arms when our other rights-- of speech, press, assembly, representative government-- fail to yield the desired results," by writing, "I agree with this completely."

When pressed by Feinstein about these statements and others, Talley reminded the committee that previous judicial nominees had managed to move beyond their polemical pasts to hear cases impartially and that he intended to "fully and faithfully comply with these obligations."
Vanita Gupta, president of the Leadership Conference on Civil and Human Rights noted that "Talley is entirely unqualified for a federal judgeship because he lacks the breadth and depth of experience necessary for the job, and he has demonstrated ideologically extreme views that call into question his temperament and judgment."



The Republicans who voted to confirm Talley are two distinct groups. The first are lock-step Trumpist enablers:
Chuck Grassley (R-IA)
Orrin Hatch (R-UT)
John Cornyn (R-TX)
Mike Lee (R-UT)
Ted Cruz (R-TX)
Mike Crapo (R-ID)
Thom Tillis (R-NC)
John Neely Kennedy (R-LA)
And the second group is a trio of senators who have publicly stated they know exactly what a danger Trump is to the country but always wind up backing his insanity anyway:
Lindsey Graham (R-SC)
Ben Sasse (R-NE)
Jeff Flake (R-AZ)


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Thursday, January 29, 2015

So this is what confirmation hearings are going to look like in the new Thug Senate

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Dana Milbank says: "The case against [AG nominee Loretta] Lynch deflated faster than if the New England Patriots had run the hearing."

by Ken

So now we've actually seen what the confirmation process is going to look like in a Senate under the control of thugs and mental defectives. I guess it's about what any reasonably informed person would have expected; it's just more revolting to actually witness. And this is a case where most of the loonies, actually noticing how exposed they were, tried to back off.

To start with a bit fo reality check, here's some of what Dana Milbank has to say in his Washington Post column today:
GOP case against Loretta Lynch falls apart

By Dana Milbank

Loretta Lynch had them at Jim Crow.

Senate Republicans had delayed confirmation hearings for President Obama’s attorney general nominee until they took control of Congress — giving them a chance to use the nomination to protest Obama’s immigration policy and other actions by Obama and the outgoing attorney general, Eric Holder.

But those who figured they could take out their frustrations on Lynch had misjudged her: The nominee has a long and impressive résumé as a no-nonsense prosecutor, and she managed at Wednesday’s hearing to be both assertive and anodyne in her testimony, expert in the law but opaque about controversial legal matters. As important, Lynch, with the help of committee Democrats, painted an unassailable biography: This daughter of a fourth-generation minister and a segregation-fighting mother from the South would be the first African American woman to be the nation’s top law enforcement official.

The case against Lynch deflated faster than if the New England Patriots had run the hearing.

Senate Judiciary Committee Chairman Chuck Grassley (R-Iowa) toned down his prepared statement as he read it. “I, for one, need to be persuaded that she will be an independent attorney general,” he read, but he then departed from the text and added, “I have no reason to believe at this point she won’t be.” He read a long list of complaints about the administration’s actions but then ad-libbed, “As far as I know, Ms. Lynch has nothing to do with the Department of Justice problems that I just outlined.” . . .

WASHINGTONPOST.COM DID ITS STAR
RIGHT-WING HATCHET HEAD NO FAVOR . . .


. . . by popping in a presumably automatic link, to a November post she wrote called "Let the new Senate confirm Loretta Lynch. " Since the only factoid she could process in the skuu space traditionally occupied by a brain is IT'S ALL OBAMA'S FAULT, she puked up this:
[I]t seems President Obama would rather start an unnecessary fight than get his way and get along with Republicans. A case in point is his attorney general nominee, Loretta Lynch. . . . Barring any surprise revelation, one strongly suspects she will win confirmation in the new Senate. (Republicans have much bigger fish to fry than getting into a standoff over a female, African American nominee.)

But Obama won't wait, it seems. He would rather jam her through with Sen. Harry Reid (D-Nev.) in charge than treat the new Senate with a modicum of respect. . . .

Confirmation hearings serve other legitimate purposes aside from approving nominees. . . .

YES, AND NOW WE KNOW WHAT THOSE
SO-CALLED LEGITIMATE PURPOSES ARE


It's to set the stage for a spectacle like yesterday's SJC confirmation hearing, to allow hysterical, IQ-free thugs to wallow in their own psychotic, imbecilic filth.

Giving the new Senate every imaginable benefit of the doubt, "a modicum of respect" is by conservative estimate a million billion quadrillion times more respect than this tub of human waste could ever dream of laying claim to.
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Friday, October 25, 2013

No thanks to Senate Republican obstructionists, Democratic-appointed judges begin to take their place in the federal judiciary

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by Ken

It seems to me just a matter of time before those polls showing voters ready to punish Republicans for the antics of their farthest-right cohort start to fade. Even the Teabaggers are likely to be let off the hook, but it's not going to be that long before we're hearing that only the unabashed nutjobs, the certified far-right crazies, are to be held accountable for turning the functioning of our government into a pirate-themed carnival.

So it seems to me all the more important to get out the word that the modern-day Republican Party is hooliganish, mentally defective garbage, and that anyone who considers voting for one of these creatures should be indicted for aiding and abetting. Case in point: the aspect of the Republicans' monolithic Just Say No to Obama policy which pertains to presidential appointments, in particular judgeships -- after all those years of whining, when Chimpy the Then-Prez was sending fistfuls of judicial nominations of people who at mininmum should have been in institutional care, that the vile Democrats had a solemn obligation to permit an up-or-down vote. Of course it all makes sense when you remember that modern-day Republicans believe that they have been granted the right to lie every time they open their toxic traps.

Now, of course, as the president has ramped up his nominating process, there's an especially large contingent of nominees facing the annual holiday blight, as our "In the Loop" pal Al Kamen reports:
What is that creaking sound? Ah, yes. That's the window starting to close on folks still hoping to put on those black robes before the Senate takes off for the holidays in December.

The good news is that, if you're one of the nine nominees -- seven for district judgeships, two for appeals courts -- who have already reached the Senate floor, you've got a decent shot at confirmation before the Senate recess. That's especially true for the seven who got unanimous votes in committee.

An additional 10 nominees have had hearings and are awaiting only a committee vote to get to the full Senate, which should happen by early next month. That's plenty of time to make it to the floor.

The Senate Judiciary Committee, which usually takes up three or four district judgeships and one appellate judgeship at each hearing, may have time to approve as many as 27 more nominees to go to the full body, for a total of 46.

But here's where it gets tricky. Controversial nominees, meaning those approved by the committee largely with Democratic support, will have a tough time getting through in the rush to adjourn.
There's more than holiday cheer standing between those nominees and confirmation, though.
Even those with substantial GOP support may have trouble getting pushed through in the Senate's traditional end-of-the-year wrap-up.

That's because the wrap-up tradition appears to have fallen victim to the increasingly bitter partisanship on the Hill. Senate Judiciary Committee Chairman Pat Leahy (D-Vt.) has previously noted that the GOP left 17 noncontroversial judicial wannabes on the floor in 2010 and 18 in 2011. The nasty fights over the shutdown and the debt ceiling aren't likely to have done much for comity.
Surprisingly, Al reports, the federal judiciary had begun to take on an Obama tinge.
A new report by the liberal Alliance for Justice finds that as of Sept. 25, President Obama, after an extraordinarily slow start, has moved way ahead of George W. Bush on nominations. Obama has made 271 nominations, compared with 240 for Bush II at this point in his presidency. . . .

At this point, Democrats have edged ahead in the number of appointees on the 179-member U.S. courts of appeals, the report found. The percentage of Republican-appointed appeals judges -- 61.3 percent when Bush II left office -- has dropped to 49.4 percent, the report found. Republicans maintain a thin lead of 50.3 percent of the nation's 678 federal district judges.
It remains true that "only 75 percent of Obama's nominees have been confirmed, compared with 90 percent for Bush," and "at this point, Bush had put 215 judges on the bench, while Obama has put on 203."

The process of choosing judicial nominees who can survive the Republican grinder is probably responsible for a depressing fail on the president's part. We know how shrewd Republican presidents have become about appointing the youngest candidates they can find, provided they can nevertheless show sufficiently sociopathic credentials. By contrast,
In the first term, Obama deftly improved on the Democrats' policy of minimizing their impact on the federal judiciary by appointing the oldest judges ever, going back to the Jimmy Carter administration, the report found. Obama's confirmed appeals judges are on average nearly four years older than Bush II's and 4.7 years older than George H.W. Bush's. (The average age of more recent nominees, however, is significantly lower.)
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Friday, September 20, 2013

The DAmN Party (aka GOP) rampages onward in its take-no-prisoners assault on truth, justice, and the American way

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Confirmation yesterday by the Senate Judiciary Committee was the second step toward the failure of Nina Pillard's nomination to the District Circuit Court of Appeals, which began with the president's announcement of her nomination.

by Ken

I had to really scrutinize a washingtonpost.com "Fix" item the other day, "Ted Cruz vs. House Republicans," to grasp the nature of the reported rupture in the Capitol Hill GOP, occasioned by the exhortation of Texas Sen. Ted "Rock Brain" Cruz to his fellow GOP-ers in the House to stand firm when the Senate strips their latest legislative stratagem in their unrelenting war to Destroy America Now (DAmN), the defunding of the new health-care law, from the stopgap spending bill that would prevent a government shutdown, and sends the continuing-resolution bill back to the House.

Me, I thought it was nothing more than a statement of solidarity among the congressional Princelings of Darkness. Obviously the Senate isn't going to go along with the madness, and so it's going to be left to the two houses of Congress to figure out where to go from there. All Senator Rock Brain was doing, as far as I could tell, was exhorting his House co-partisans to stand fast in waging their fight against America.

This, however, is where you need to be able to think like a DAmN-er and see the world through that dark, twisted filter. Viewing that way, apparently, what you see is Senator Rock Brain thumbing his nose at his psychopathic House colleagues' attempt to dump the ball in their Senate co-partisans' court. It seems that the House DAmN-ers were declaring that they've done their part and now it's time for the Senate DAmN-ers to tote that barge.
What Cruz is essentially saying is right. The Democratic-controlled Senate simply isn't going to sign off on a bill that defunds Obamacare. They'll strip that part out and send a new bill back to the House. Then, GOP leaders in the lower chamber will have to decide their next move.

But it's the subtext of Cruz's statement that irks House Republicans. He's getting the fight he asked for -- the Senate will get a bill that does exactly what he wants. Yet already, he's signaling likely defeat and seeking to shift responsibility in the debate back to House Republicans.

Cruz's push to build support in the upper chamber for defundung Obamacare through a continuing resolution has gone virtually nowhere. Only about a dozen Republican senators are in his corner while others have publicly lambasted the idea.

By agreeing to vote on a CR that defunds Obamacare, House Speaker John Boehner's message was simple: It's your turn, Senate Republicans. You take up this fight, now. Don't blame us for inaction anymore.
Whew! The GOP-ers have subtext! With "thinking" like this, it's no wonder that the DAmN-ers are always in such a state of superhuman stress and rage. Of course "thinking" like this will do that to you.

Fortunately for the Senate DAmN-ers, they have an opportunity to point out to their pipsqueak inferior-house colleagues that even as the minority party in the Senate they've been carrying the heavy load of making it impossible, or as difficult as possible, for the Obama administration to govern, by playing their anti-constitutional game of "Supermajority! Supermajority!," since the House DAmN-ers were still wetting their pants as the minority party. And nowhere have they performed more wreckingly than in their refusal to allow the president to staff the government.

It seems like longer, but it's really not that long ago that President Obama, buoyed by his decisive reelection, started acting like someone determined to actually exercise the authority of the presidency. Among other things, he finally named three candidates to fill the vacancies on the D.C. Circuit Court of Appeals, considered the country's second-highest court, behind the U.S. Supreme Court (for which it has in fact been a frequent feeder).

In those heady days I don't remember hearing a lot of talk about the likelihood of getting those nominees confirmed. Now our Washington Post pal Al "In the Loop" Kamen reminds us that frequently in our nation's capital the real news is the opposite of what it seems.


That's one hurdle . . ..

The Senate Judiciary Committee, on a party-line 10 to 8 vote Thursday, approved the nomination of Georgetown law professor and former Justice Department lawyer Nina Pillard to be a judge on the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit.

Her chances of confirmation by the full Senate, however, may fall in the slim-to-none range. The vote overcame, for now, strong opposition from Republicans who said Pillard held "extreme" and "activist" views. . . .
Holding "extreme" and "activist" views is just a DAmN way of saying "not screechingly criminally insane." As we'll see in a moment, the DAmN-ers will grasp at any straw to provide cover for their deeply held political ideology, which has evolved from "We Hate That Obama" in the president's first term to "If You Thought We Hated That [racially tinged obscenity deleted] Obama Before, You Ain't Seen Nothin' Yet" in the second term.
Pillard is the second of three Obama nominees approved by the committee for long-standing vacancies on the D.C. Circuit, often called the second most important court in the country.

Another nominee, Patricia Millett, also was a approved on a party-line 10 to 8 vote in committee, on Aug. 1, though Republicans didn’t criticize her qualifications, arguing that the court didn’t need any more judges. The third nominee, U.S. District Judge Robert Wilkins, is expected to have a committee vote in the next few weeks.

It appears likely that Senate Republicans will move to block confirmation of all three nominees, preserving the existing 4 to 4 split between Republicans and Democrats on the appeals court.
Did you get that? The District Circuit doesn't need any more judges! How inoffensive must Patricia Millett be if that's the best the DAmN-ers could come up with to justify a unified-party-line vote against her?

And of course if we play another round of our beloved party game "If the Shoe Were on the Other Foot," just imagine a Republican president sending the Senate a judicial nominee in the mold of, say, the Lying Idiot Alito, and Senate Democrats announcing unified opposition (hey, we're just imagining here) on the ground that the court in question has enough judges.

The message I get from the Senate Republicans is: "We hate America so much that we no longer feel the need to make up minimally believable lies to cover our tracks." Ya gotta love 'em.

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For a "Sunday Classics" fix anytime, visit the stand-alone "Sunday Classics with Ken."

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Saturday, August 07, 2010

Ronald Dworkin argues that Supreme Court nominees could "educate the public in the political complexities of constitutional law"

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NYU and University College (London) Prof. Ronald Dworkin

by Ken

That may have naughty of me, titling my post last night "On what basis might the rightward drag of the Supreme Court be arrested, or at least slowed?" without actually addressing that question. I did tone that head down, from something closer to "How might the rightward drag . . . ?"

The idea -- known only to me, of course -- was that I wanted to work toward the question of what we're going to have to do to so much as slow down, let alone arrest, the heavy extreme-right pressure being exerted by the Supreme Court's pack of out-of-control far-right-wing zealots.

When Sonia Sotomayor was nominated and confirmed to the Court, I voiced my extreme distress, not at her qualifications or likely service, but at the indications from the process of selection and subsequent willful mischaracterization, that a moderate like Judge Sotomayor was now as close as we could ever come to a truly liberal Supreme Court justice -- and even someone as centrist as she is was acceptable only because she had the political cover of being the first Latina appointee.

It's the Right-Wing Noise Machine that makes it possible, of course. In the same way that a right-of-center moderate like Barack Obama can be called a socialist without any recognition of the preposterousness of the notion, any judicial nominee to the left of, say, Robert Bork can now be branded "an extreme left-winger," and nowhere in the Infotainment Newsmedia is there even a hint of pushback, whereas zealots as extreme as John John Roberts and "Sammy the Enforcer" Alito can masquerade as centrists and nobody so much as cracks a smile of incredulity.

I don't see how this can ever be changed without a broad-based attack on the faux-centrist media and pols who choose to give it cover. Especially because the issues are so easily distorted for public consumption, since the general public has near zero-comprehension of anything the federal judiciary does.

Above all, this means that the Far Right has gotten away with defining the American legal spectrum as a divide between judges who "just apply the law" on their side and "activist judges," with of course proper respect for God's law, on the other side who rule based on their extreme-left biases, not to mention other abominations like "foreign law." And they get away with this mischaracterization despite the fact that there isn't a grain of reality or truth anywhere in this tissue of bare-faced lies.

There is, of course, no such thing as a Supreme Court justice "simply applying the law." If the matters at issue could be resolved by simple application of the law, the case would never have reached the Supreme Court. This seemingly simple bromide in fact represents a misunderstanding of American law and the U.S. constitutional system so profound as to be all-encompassing, which means that the people who propagate it are either judicial nitwits or garden-variety liars.

We had a flurry of hope for a fundamental shift in the confirmation process in June ("Is there a glimpse of daylight beyond the 'Let Them Eat Guns' Roberts Court?"), when it was suggested that Sens. Sheldon Whitehouse and Al Franken planned to redirect the questioning "to put the right of citizens to challenge corporate power at the center of their critique of activist conservative judging, offering a case that has not been fully aired since the days of the great Progressive Era Justice Louis Brandeis." This turned out to be a false alarm. It may be that it happened and the Infotainment Newsers didn't notice, which would be the same as it just not happening.

The message I got from this round of confirmation hearing is that in addition to the Far Right now having veto power over the allowable deviation from center in a Supreme Court nominee, Lying Right has now formalized the frame that confirmation hearings exist to distinguish between judges who will "just follow the law" and (boo! hiss!) the other kind, the liberal activists. So if you're a right-wing wacko like Roberts or Alito, you have license to lie your lying head off at confirmation about just following the law, so that once confirmed you can set about reducing the Constitution to toilet paper in accord with your own crazed white-male-establishment zealotry, while if you're anywhere to the left of right-wing wacko, you will be trashed as a "liberal activist."

You'd think that ideological hacks like Sens. Orrin Hatch and Jeff Sessions, feigning such concern for judicial experience in a prospective Supreme Court justice, would be citing as a cautionary tale the career of the therefore-manifestly-unqualified William Rehnquist. They might even want to agitate for invalidating every Court ruling in which his vote counted toward the majority. I'm not going to hold my breath, though.


Justices Ruth Bader Ginsburg and Anthony Kennedy were on hand for yesterday's White House celebration of Justice Kagan's swearing-in, which took place today.

Now, I'm not blaming Elena Kagan for following the now-obvious strategy of going along with the charade and in the process saying nothing about her own concept of jurisprudence. She would have been crazy to do anything else. And Prof. Ronald Dworkin makes just this point in the New York Review of Books piece I mentioned last night, "The Temptation of Elena Kagan," in the August 19 issue.
It was predictable that Kagan would follow this now well-trodden path. She knew that if she disclosed nothing she would soon be a Supreme Court justice for life. If, on the contrary, she was even slightly more adventurous, there was a good chance she would not be confirmed. If she showed herself sympathetic to abortion rights or unsympathetic to gun rights, for instance, Republicans and conservative Democrats would feel bound to join a filibuster to sink her.

The committee senators, for their part, had no reason to press her to be more forthcoming. Democrats had no wish to endanger her appointment, which would be a terrible defeat for the President, and Republicans had no wish to contradict their own repeated and ludicrous declarations (cheerfully endorsed by their recent nominees, Chief Justice John Roberts and Justice Samuel Alito) that a judge can always decide what the law requires without calling on any moral or political convictions or any theory of social justice.

Nevertheless, as Dworkin notes, "[T]he Kagan hearings have been almost universally denounced as pointless and calls for reform have increased," and he proceeds to "review the hearings in some detail to consider how far that charge is justified and how confirmation hearings might be improved."
The Supreme Court is a very powerful political institution: justices are appointed for life and five of them can veto any decision, no matter how popular, of Congress or a state legislature. Only the Senate confirmation hearings offer the public a chance to participate in the process . . . [A]s Kagan pointed out in 1995, failure of disclosure undermines the public’s power to help choose.

Dworkin notes Kagan's explanation that she had been persuaded in a private meeting with Senator Hatch "that the 'balance' of her earlier statement was 'a little off,'" and so she would be pulling back from most of her former recommendations. He's not impressed by her argument "that she must not disclose her views about particular issues that might come before the Court because it would be injudicious and unfair to future litigants for her to publish her views in advance." He points out that the eight sitting justices "have expressed their opinions on a large variety of constitutional issues through their votes and their majority or dissenting opinions." However, he argues --
there is a genuine and important countervailing argument. It is crucial to the role Supreme Court justices play in our constitutional system that they be free and able to reject popular opinion—to overrule the wishes of the majority in order to protect individual rights. The individual rights that need protection are often unpopular; it would compromise that crucial role were the public able to defeat a nominee because he or she proposed to defend such rights.

He doubts that anyone who expressed concern for due process for suspected terrorists, or for the right to choose abortion, or for possibly recognizing a constitutional right to marriage equality --
could be nominated now or, if he were, escape a filibuster or outright defeat. So if nominees were as candid as Kagan proposed in 1995, and senators approved only those with very popular opinions, Americans might lose their traditional protection against majority selfishness, intolerance, or prejudice.

True, the right-wing phalanx of the Court has used its power to overrule the will of the majority in what strikes many of us as an indefensible and dangerous way: not to protect a vulnerable minority from majority indifference or hatred but to protect conservative interests and privilege from progressive legislation. Richard Posner, himself a conservative judge, recently wrote that four of the five most conservative justices since 1937 are together on the Court now: Chief Justice Roberts and Justices Clarence Thomas, Antonin Scalia, and Samuel Alito. Many lawyers believe it would have been better had Roberts and Alito been forced to disclose their real substantive intentions in their hearings because they would not have been confirmed if they had. Posner said of Roberts: “The tension between what he said at his confirmation hearing and what he is doing as a Justice is a blow to Roberts’s reputation for candor and further debasement of the already debased currency of the testimony of nominees at judicial confirmation hearings.”

Dworkin still thinks, though, that nominees "should certainly be pressed to discuss constitutional theory and political principle at a more abstract level.
As Kagan pointed out, judges may not declare that the Constitution’s requirement that senators be “thirty” years old really means “forty” because people live longer now. But some of the most important constitutional clauses are drafted in abstract moral language, such as the Fourteenth Amendment’s injunction that government must accord everyone the “equal protection” of the law. How can judges decide whether laws against consensual gay sex or gay marriage deny equal protection to homosexuals without deciding, for themselves, what equal citizenship means and requires?

He doesn't think much of the argument that judges can avoid imposing their own moral judgment by "find[ing] the right answers in history," applying "abstract moral clauses" according to either the intent of the framers or "practices and traditions embedded in American history." After all, "a judge must rely on moral conviction even to discover what history teaches."

Dworkin seconds the point made by Kagan herself, that the framers knew what they were doing when they chose to used abstract moral language rather than setting down precise rules, and cites her example of the 1954 Brown school-desegretation decision. "The Supreme Court did not change the Constitution, but only enforced its original meaning," even though the framers expressed no qualms about school segregation, and --
the Congress that adopted the Fourteenth Amendment itself segregated the schools of the District of Columbia from 1864 onward. The Court enforced the original meaning of the Fourteenth Amendment in 1954 because the framers laid down a principle that required the justices to decide for themselves whether segregation is consistent with equal citizenship and they decided, rightly, that it is not.

I hate to skip over what I consider Dworkin's irrefutable case against the argument that judges can judge from "history," either framer-type or traditions-and-practices-type. Goodness knows, that case needs to be made on a continuing basis, for the reasons I suggested above. At the time, as I pointed out, the fact that the explanation requires such detailed explanation means there isn't a chance in hell it will ever have the traction with the voting public of judges "just applying the law," in the same way that Justice Stephen Breyer's quite sensible case for "proportionality" as a way of weighing competing legal interests, to which I referred last night requires too high a degree of patience, sophistication, and to be frank interest to be followed by the general public, even though his approach, far from being "judge empowering" as critics charge, requires
a judge who uses such an approach [to] examine and explain all the factors that go into a decision. The need for that examination and explanation serves as a constraint. It means that the decision must be transparent and subject to criticism. Because the approach just illustrated can require the judge to accept reasonable legislative determinations of empirical matters, it is “legislator empowering”; not “judge empowering.” In the democratic society that the Constitution creates, legislative empowerment is a virtue.

(By the way, let me note again that the full text of the excerpt from Justice Breyer's forthcoming book, Making Our Democracy Work: A Judge’s View, published in NYRB as "On Handguns and the Law" isn't available free on the website, but I invite anyone who'd like to read it to let me know at kenfromdwt@aol.com. I had a terrific exchange with a reader who took me up on the offer, which I expect to report on in the near future.)

What then, does Dworkin think can be done about confirmation hearings?
[N]ominees should be required to discuss the larger issues of constitutional philosophy that I have mentioned: to provide a general account of how they propose to interpret and apply the grand but abstract clauses of the Constitution. This account might include, for instance, stating a general definition of what equal citizenship requires, what they take the purpose of the First Amendment’s free speech protection to be, and whether they are drawn to a majority-rule conception of democracy or a conception closer to that Justice Breyer defended in his recent book, Active Liberty. [Note: This is the justice's 2005 book, not the new one. -- Ed.] Skillful nominees can answer such questions without forecasting their own future votes in particular cases. In that way they can educate the public in the political complexities of constitutional law without compromising their protection of individual and perhaps unpopular constitutional rights.

Dworkin also suggests a change in Senate Judiciary Committee procedures.
It should appoint special majority and minority counsel, who might be academic specialists in constitutional law, to conduct a major part of the hearings, as other congressional committees do in other investigations. Senators will not of course deny themselves the opportunity to preen before constituents and to try to demonstrate (sometimes successfully) their own knowledge of constitutional law. But their television time could be reduced to give special counsel opportunity to press nominees in much more depth than senators can. This may not help much. But confirmation hearings remain the best and perhaps only opportunity to make constitutional law a matter of public interest and concern. That is a grand goal -- it would improve our democracy in many ways -- and we should miss no opportunity to pursue it.
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Wednesday, May 26, 2010

It's not just that right-wing fake-moralists lie, but that they don't give a damn about the "outrages" they rail against

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The seven Republicans on the Senate Judiciary Committee? Remember, we're talking about the likes of Orrin Hatch and the utterly unspeakable Jefferson Beauregard Sessions III. (Makes you wonder what the first two were like.) I feel soiled just writing a photo caption about them.

by Ken

Stop the presses. Apparently this is now a story:
The seven Republicans on the Senate Judiciary Committee today called on Attorney General Eric Holder to appoint a special prosecutor to investigate Joe Sestak's suggestion that he was offered a White House job in exchange for dropping his (ultimately successful) challenge to Sen. Arlen Specter in the Pennsylvania Democratic Senate primary.

The seven Republicans on the Senate Judiciary Committee?

These are people who probably can't get through their first bathroom trip in the morning without committing actual abuse-of-power crimes, and spend every waking second when they're not actually breaking laws committing ethical outrages. In this session of Congress, truly, the performance of the seven Republicans on the Senate Judiciary Committee has been mostly directed toward the destruction of the United States government.

These are seven people pickled in unapologetic corruption and the transformation of our government into a kleptocratic bigotocracy. These are seven people who, if there were a grain of justice in the universe, would be vaporized in a microsecond. When you look up "worthless lying sack of thieving doody" in the dictionary, you find these seven thugs' pictures.

It's hardly worth even noting the spectacular hypocrisy of their make-believe dudgeon over the possible administration buy-off of Joe Sestak. Forget that, even assuming it happened, while it would undoubtedly have been scummy and ethically challenged, isn't by even the most spectacularly deluded imaginings of a bunch of legal ignoramuses like The Seven in any way, shape, or form illegal. Forget that toxic life forms like The Seven spend every second of their poltiical lives aspiring to do deals -- ideally being the beneficiaries of such deals -- far more sordid than anything alleged here. It's what they are and what they do.

I say forget all of that because the simple, inescapable truth is that The Seven don't give a frigging damn about what did or did happen between the adminstration and Congressman Sestak. All that matters to them is its potential value as a political wedge, or at least attention-getter.

Which is a point I've been meaning to make about virtually all of the Republican posturing since the 2008 election. All that moral outrage they manage to summon for the cameras is 100 percent doody. When gargoyles like Miss Mitch McConnell and John Cornyn and John Boehner and Eric Cantor open their mouths to vomit forth their latest lies, not only do they not believe a word of their rants, by and large they don't give a damn about whatever horsedoody they've manufactured.

And they're hardly ever called to account. They did it all through the debate on health care reform, and they did it again during the debate on financial regulation reform. All the time they were spreading lies about health care proposals, it goes beyond knowing that they were lying; they didn't give a damn about the crap they had dredged up out of pure cynical cynicism.

Of course they knew nobody was going to pull the plug on Grandma, and in fact they didn't give a flying fig if anyone did. These are people who would run the old bat over just for the fun of it. And the horsedoody stories they spread about invented consequences of financial reforms? Since they know nothing about economics except the bribe-taking part, they would have no basis for opposing any reform on a policy basis, but only on the basis that the gentry who dish out those bribes don't like them.

And you can tell that people like The Seven, for all that they hide behind sanctimonious religious bilge, don't believe in God either. Because if they did, they would live in terror of finding themselves at the business end of a divine thunderbolt. Goodness knows they've earned it.
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Thursday, July 30, 2009

Lamar Alexander Abandons GOP Obstructionists-- Will Vote To Confirm Sotomayor

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Some felt it was remarkable that conservative Lindsey Graham (R-SC) voted to confirm Sonia Sotomayor on the Senate Judiciary Committee. Once Specter did his little fence jump though, it was inevitable. The Judiciary Committee rule says that at least one Republican has to vote "yes" on a nominee in order for the committee to send a recommendation to the full Senate. (This may have something to do with why not one single judge nominated by Obama has been confirmed so far.) Anyway, the Republicans secretly agreed internally that they had to put on a big anti-Sotomayor show for the drooling racist savages in their base but that they couldn't afford to actually block the nomination without risking sustained, perhaps even fatal damage at the polls. So someone on the committee had to take the political risk. The seven Republicans on the committee are all very right-wing: Jeff Sessions, the KKK member from Alabama, Orrin Hatch (UT), Chuck Grassley (IA), Jon Kyl (AZ), Graham, John Cornyn (TX) and Tom Coburn (OK). It was always a question of whether it would be Hatch, Grassley or Graham who would provide the one vote to let the nomination move forward.

Grassley begged out citing a tough re-election bid in 2010, and Hatch pointed out that his state's party has been taken over by teabagging radicals who have been replacing conservatives with extremists-- last year Chis Cannon was dumped for far right lunatic fringe Jason Chaffetz and this year Hatch's colleague Bob Bennett is facing political extermination at the hands of wingnut Mark Shurtleff. That left Graham who won't have to face the voters again until 2014.

But then today, just as the most conservative (and aisle-crossing) Democrat in the Senate, corporate shill Ben Nelson (NE) announced he might not vote for confirmation, up steps the first member of the Republican Senate Leadership Team, Conference Chair Lamar Alexander (TN) to announce that he's supporting confirmation. “I will vote to confirm her because she is well-qualified by experience, temperament, character and intellect to serve as an associate justice of the United States Supreme Court,” he said, also pointing out that her “political and judicial philosophy may be different than mine, especially regarding Second Amendment rights.”

Aside from Nelson there are a number of Democratic senators who have proven they have no backbone, particularly when it comes to standing up to the NRA, which is vigorously opposing Sotomayor. Worst among the Democratic cowards is Mark Begich, a freshman from Alaska, who has proven a terrible disappointment to the progressives who helped him narrowly defeat Ted Stevens last year.

Many eyes are now focused on John McCain-- who also faces the voters next year. The radical right kooks at the Moonie Times are demanding in an editorial today that he oppose confirmation. But as the somewhat savvier Hill pointed out this morning, McCain has been hiding out and ducking the issue-- and with good political reason: he's scared to move in either direction.
Somewhere, in his new life as a political hermit, Sen. John McCain must be grinding his teeth. Facing a primary challenge from the right in his campaign for reelection, McCain (R-Ariz.) has gone from spending nearly a decade as a hyper-exposed, perennial presidential candidate to being someone you can only find on Twitter.

But with a tough decision to make any day now, McCain will reluctantly do what he has avoided for so long: make news. This will happen when McCain announces his vote for or against the confirmation of Judge Sonia Sotomayor to the U.S. Supreme Court. Either choice will be surprising-- risk losing votes in a primary by supporting her, or risk losing votes in the general by alienating Hispanic voters in a purpling state where the Hispanic population is double the national average. President Barack Obama’s selection of Sotomayor was exactly the kind of complication McCain really didn’t need.

McCain’s attempt to woo Arizona Republicans is challenged by his maverick identity and long history of bucking his party. A founder of the Minuteman Civil Defense Corps has announced his candidacy and criticized McCain for “reckless bailout spending” (he voted last fall for the Troubled Asset Relief Program) and a record of “opting to hold our nation’s border security hostage to his amnesty schemes.” So while McCain has spent time blasting Obama’s energy reform plans, his reaction to the election in Iran and his policies that have grown deficits and debt, he hasn’t spent much time keeping that promise he made on election night 2008: to “do all in my power to help him lead us through the many challenges we face.” Most notable is the absence of the bipartisan dealmaker in the midst of the brutal battle over healthcare reform.

Two of McCain's trusted gay pals, Lindsey Graham and Charlie Crist, have taken different positions on the Sotomayor nomination. With Graham voting yes, Crist-- under pressure from right-wing fanatic Marco Rubio-- has taken the gamble that Florida Latinos won't care that he's opposing the first Latina nominated to the Supreme Court. "Perhaps," speculates The Hill, "McCain is consulting with both Graham and Crist. We will learn soon-- likely by Tweet rather than a press conference-- which friend McCain is going to disagree with."

As of today 6 Republicans (not counting Arlen Specter)-- Olympia Snowe (ME), Susan Collins (ME), Dick Lugar (IN), Lindsey Graham (SC), Mel Martinez (FL) and Lamar Alexander (TN)-- have pledged to vote for confirmation. Many of the lunatic fringe extremists have already declared they will oppose confirmation, including the other 6 Judiciary Committee members, Jim DeMint, Jim Bunning (KY), Jim Inhofe (OK), Miss McConnell (KY), Kay Bailey Hutchison (TX), Thad Cochran (MS), Richard Burr (NC), Mike Johanns (NE), Sam Brownback (KS), Pat Roberts (KS), Bill Bennett (UT), Jim Risch (ID), Mike Crapo (ID), and of course, Richard Shelby (AL). Reactionary Democrats who play footsy with GOP interests who have not announced one way or the other-- aside from Begich and Nelson-- include Blanche Lincoln (AR), Mark Pryor (AR), Evan Bayh (IN), Tom Carper (DE), Max Baucus (apparently too busy thinking about how to wreck health care reform for his corporate donors to have even thought about the historic Supreme Court nomination), and Michael Bennet (CO). This afternoon, for example, 2 putative Democrats, both far right of the mainstream, voted for another obstructionist anti-Obama bill, this one offered by right-wing fanatic David Diapers Vitter. Who were the 2 miscreants-- Nelson, of course... and Blanche Lincoln, who apparently enjoyed the Blue America TV ads and is asking for more.

Today's Hotline guesses that Judd Gregg (NH), McCain, Kit Bond (MO), George Voinovich (OH), and John Ensign (NV) are the most likely to join the growing Republicans-for-Sotomayor Club and brave the overwrought hysteria of the Republican Party fringe. Ensign, though, they rate as "a longshot."
[T]he beleaguered Ensign has a little more than three years to rehabilitate his reputation before his re-election bid. Where to start: his conservative base, or the 25%-and-growing Hispanic population of his home state?


UPDATE: Amazing-- A Democratic Senator, More Or Less, Announces His Support For His President's Nominee

Break out the champagne! Looks like someone had a talk with that shithead Baucus. I guess killing health care is all he'll do for the Republicans this month.

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Monday, July 20, 2009

The Sotomayor nomination may be safe, but at what cost for future Supreme Court picks?

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"There was something distasteful about Sotomayor’s being lectured on civil rights by the likes of Senator Jeff Sessions, of Alabama, whose own retrograde views on race back in 1986 led to his being rejected for a federal judgeship by the very committee on which he now serves."
-- Jeffrey Toobin, in his July 20 New Yorker "Comment"
on the Senate Judiciary Committee hearings

by Ken

I imagine a lot of folks on our side of the war for the soul of the federal judiciary are breathing easier after the Republicans on the Senate Judiciary Committee seem to have blown their wad in the hearings on Judge Sonia Sotomayor's nomination to the Supreme Court. They were so lame, it was hard to tell whether they were just going through the motions or are just, well, that lame.

After watching "Little Jeff" Sessions at work, though, I have to say I'm inclined more to the they're-just-that-lame theory. I think the Senate Republicans thought they were upgrading their attack-dog profile by slotting Little Jeff into the SJC ranking minority member slot vacated by the hated turncoat Arlen Specter. I don't doubt that Little Jeff has all the viciousness and hatred and ignorance necessary for a high-profile demagogue; he just doesn't appear to have any communications skills, which are traditionally highly prized in demagoguery. He seems to have more the cunning of Wile E. Coyote, watching his latest scheme for Road Runner neutralization blow up in his face. (I still say the R's should have Henry Gibson playing Little Jeff.)

In the larger scheme, though, I'm still thinking about the SJC hearings in the context of the point I tried to make this morning: that all these battles the R's are losing don't necessarily mean they're losing the war, taking the long view.

Really and truly, in the absence of something really damning, what were the chances the nomination was going to be shot down? I suppose there was always the possibility of a filibuster, but were the R's really prepared to face the electorate after doing that to a Hispanic woman of such impeccable legal credentials? Oh, they had their mini-gotchas, the "making policy" remark," and the "wise Latina" one, and then the Ricci case. But even master obfuscators would have had a tough time cashing in those meager chips.

Still, it seems to me dangerous to underestimate the amount of damage the "Just Say No"-ers inflicted, to be applied to the next Supreme Court nomination, which is once again much likelier to be one of the remaining moderates rather than one of the neanderthals being replaced, meaning that on our side we're going to be fighting just to hold our ground..

Now I hope no one was surprised by my reference to "one of the remaining moderates." Surely there isn't anyone who thinks there are any actual liberals among what is casually referred to in the Infotainment News Media as the Court's "liberal bloc"? Like who? These are fine, honest folk, who performed heroic service during the Dark Ages of the Bush regime, but they're not liberals.

Is there any way we can ever repay our debt to Justice John Paul Stevens? Remember, he was within months of his 81st birthday when Chimpy the Prez took the oath of office, and any hope that he might merely have to survive another four years was dashed in the 2004 election. It's possible that the justice, apparently in good physical and mental health, would have chosen to remain on the Court anyway, but the fact is, he was pretty much deprived of the option of retirement.

(Ironically, the justice who probably helped install Chimpy as president precisely so she could retire, Sandra Day O'Connor, may have left with more regrets than she expected, as she watches the transformation wrought since her departure by the advent of the two new justices. Justice O'Connor was a bona fide conservative, but in case after case the XXXXXXs of the Roberts Court are going places she knows perfectly well they wouldn't, couldn't have gone with her still sitting.)

That said, it doesn't make Justice Stevens a "liberal." Justice William Brennan was a liberal. Justice Thurgood Marshall was a liberal. These folks, honorable justices all, are moderates.

And both the selection of Judge Sotomayor and the process by which she appears to be securing confirmation are stacking the deck even more against the appointment of a liberal judge to the Court at any time in the foreseeable future -- even if we had a president inclined to make such an appointment, which I'm sure not persuaded we do at the moment. I think "moderates" may be just fine for President Obama.

As a piece of political calculation, as I've already written, the Sotomayor selection was brilliant. It became apparent pretty quickly that it wasn' going to be necessary to read all of her huge number of judicial opinions to know that this was not a judge who had a secret "liberal streak" that had to be hidden. Now, Justice Sotomayor (to jump the gun a little) may yet surprise us; there's no such thing as dead certainty when it comes to Supreme Court justices, who -- once confirmed -- are about as beyond the reach of detractors as anybody in the workforce gets. But I think the R naysayers knew pretty quickly that they weren't dealing with a closet liberal. The judge's participation in the panel that ruled against firefighter Frank Ricci in the New Haven case may have been an undeserved gift for the R's, but surely none of them are so lame-brained as to believe they had found evidence of a disguise masking her "liberalism."

Does this mean that the next Court nominees will have to be as visibly moderate? Well, maybe even more so, since they aren't likely to have the secret weapons of Judge Sotomayor's gender and ethnicity.

And does this mean that those next nominees are going to have to maintain the fiction that the criterion for appeals-court judging is, plain and simple, applying the law?

Jeffrey Toobin expresses regret in his July 20 New Yorker "Comment" piece on last week's hearings:

In fact, Justices have a great deal of discretion—in which cases they take, in the results they reach, in the opinions they write. When it comes to interpreting the Constitution—in deciding, say, whether a university admissions office may consider an applicant’s race—there is, frankly, no such thing as “law.” In such instances, Justices make choices, based largely, though not exclusively, on their political views of the issues involved. In reaching decisions this way, the Justices are not doing anything wrong; there is no other way to interpret the majestic vagueness of the Constitution. But the fact that Judge Sotomayor managed to avoid discussing any of this throughout four days of testimony is indicative of the way the confirmation process, as it is now designed, misleads the public about what it is that Justices do.

For once that blowhard Sen. John Cornyn wasn't wrong when he said that Judge Sotomayor's answers explaining her judicial philosophy made her sound exactly like Chief Justice Roberts, who of course is even less a believer than Judge Sotomayor that the job consists of just-applying-the-law.

Oh, Toobin understands why nominees of all ideological persuasions have arrived at the practical wisdom that during the confirmation process you say nothing of substance, and especially nothing that can be used as ammunition against them. Nevertheless, he makes a great point: We have now more or less officially conceded that the subject of what judges actually do is too complicated to be discussed with, or even in front of, the American people.

And once again whole areas of public and legal policy have been declared off limits, not just as subjects of discussion, but perhaps also as areas of belief that can disqualify future Supreme Court (and lower federal court) nominees. There was, most notably, the grotesque spectacle of a vile toad like Little Jeff Sessions playing the race card, just the way Rush Limbaugh or Pat Buchanan would -- well, did. Toobin writes aptly:
There was something distasteful about Sotomayor’s being lectured on civil rights by the likes of Senator Jeff Sessions, of Alabama, whose own retrograde views on race back in 1986 led to his being rejected for a federal judgeship by the very committee on which he now serves. (One of the more cringe-worthy moments of the hearing was Sessions’s expression of incredulity that Sotomayor might disagree with another judge on her court even though he was also Puerto Rican.)


To focus on just one point, in the extreme case -- by which I mean the ignorant and rawly hate-filled mouthing off we heard from Buchanan, most notably in the infamous interview with Rachel Maddow. Buchanan, as I've pointed out, has managed to turn the very idea of affirmative action into something shameful and unworthy. As I wrote, "In the lunar landscape that is Pat Buchanan's brain, 'affirmative action' is nothing more than a piece of the massive plot -- watch out, the plotters are everywhere! -- to cheat white males, the very people who made America what it is, out of their rightful share of the pie, which is all of it."

As a result, there's hardly any point documenting what I assume are typically Buchananite misrepresentations of Judge Sotomayor's own relationship to affirmative action. After all, confronted with the issue of her outstanding academic record at Princeton, poor Pat actually blithered on about everybody knowing about Ivy Leaguers all getting those high grades. At that point, I find it unfathomable that whoever at MSNBC is responsible for signing his paychecks, or a flunky thereof, didn't simply walk onto the set gun in hand and put the pile of puke out of his misery. As it is, as I say there's no point going back to the judge's testimony, because she would have had no reason to speak of affirmative action with any measure of hostility or derision.

People like Rush and Pat have done everything they could to load the term just that way in the American imagination -- hey, them my-norities is gittin' special vantages! But by being afraid to answer them, again on the assumption that the American people are too stupid to understand the real issues, we have more or less allowed them to define those issues. It is, I tell you, one creepy experience to see and hear Rush Limbaugh announce that of course Judge Sotomayor is a racist. Your impulse is to say, "And you would know, huh, Rush?" But of course he wouldn't, or at least he wouldn't say, not publicly. When he's among his own kind, he can brag about his racism, but of course it isn't real racism that Judge Sotomayor was being accused of.

I was feeling pretty glum about this state of affairs when a colleague who has actual experience with affirmative action, and by experience I mean 25 years litigating affirmative-action cases, offered the first sense I've heard in, well, a while, on the subject.

I was going to cherry-pick a few paragraphs, but in the end I think I'm going to quote the whole piece, which isn't that long, with just a bit of highlighting of points so basic that we need to find a way to make them part of the national understanding.

Pat Buchanan Continues His Racist Attacks on Sotomayor

By Guy T. Saperstein, AlterNet. Posted July 17, 2009.

Yesterday, on MSNBC, Pat Buchanan attacked Sonia Sotomayor, specifically, and affirmative action, in general. Included in his attack were such claims as "this has been a country built basically by white folks," that Sotomayor was purely an affirmative-action candidate who lacks real credentials and his suggestion that we need more white, male Supreme Court nominees -- like Robert Bork -- despite the fact that 108 of the 110 Supreme Court justices in our nation's history have been white.

What opponents of affirmative action like Buchanan fail to grasp is that this country was built on affirmative action -- for white males -- and you don't have to go back to the Founding Fathers to see this in action.

If you go back to the 1950s, which Buchanan apparently wants to do, and look at the major private universities, you would find that 20 to 30 percent of the admissions were "legacies" -- people who got there not on merit but because they were the sons of alumni and donors. George W. Bush, of course, is the poster child for this generation of affirmative action babies.

I'd like to see Buchanan, or any conservative, defend Bush's admission to Yale on the basis of merit. And I'd like to stack up Bush's credentials next to Sotomayor's and ask which one was more deserving of admission to a major university, or the bench, or the presidency, or anything.

The white-male affirmative action that bozos like Bush benefited from and want to protect was a monopoly of opportunities; monopolies work to undermine healthy competition and produce bad results.

The affirmative action that emerged from the 1960s civil rights movement was an effort not only to promote diversity of people and opportunities, but to democratize opportunities so that white-male hierarchies did not automatically get all the perks. This has been healthy for America, not only because society has become more diverse, but also because it now is less likely that the truly unqualified -- the frat boys like GWB with no academic credentials and problems with excessive alcohol consumption [but a connected family] -- are not automatically passed on to graduate schools, and then on to unsuccessful business careers, not to mention catastrophic political careers.

I prosecuted employment discrimination class actions for 25 years, in the process forcing many major corporations to hire and promote women, minorities, older people and the disabled. In every single case I had, when the case was over and the workforce was integrated, no matter how bitter the litigation had been, the companies would confide in me that their workforces after "affirmative action" were stronger, more competitive, more productive.

Affirmative action has been good for American business and good for America. Indeed, corporate America, which has seen the benefits of fair-employment practices firsthand, long ago abandoned opposition to it. Too bad racists like Buchanan have failed to pay attention to what really has happened in the American workforce, and in America, over the past 40 years.


Guy T. Saperstein is a past president of the Sierra Club Foundation; previously, he was one of the National Law Journal’s "100 Most Influential Lawyers in America."
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