Wednesday, November 20, 2019

Congress Doesn't Need More Conservative, Corporate-Friendly Democrats Like Shannon Hutcheson

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Early this month, we took a look at the conservative establishment candidate, Shannon Hutcheson, who EMILY's List and the DCCC have recruited to prevent progressive Democrat, Mike Siegel, from beating Republican Michael McCaul in Texas' 10th district. Since the, I found the FEC document (above) showing what looks like coordination by the DCCC-- who still pretends to not interfere in primaries-- and EMILY's List, which always backs conservatives over progressives. The document shows EMILY's List's SuperPAC, Elect Democratic Women, and the DCCC both contributed $2,500 to Shannon Hutcheson's campaign on the same day (September 30, 2019).

Yesterday, Texas Observer reporter Justin Miller wrote about how Hutcheson's career will make her unelectable against McCaul but how EMILY's List backed her anyway. "My 2018 campaign with a grassroots army of hundreds of volunteers," Mike Siegel told us today, "turned a 'safe Republican' seat into a national battleground in 2020. We've lined up labor, environmental groups, progressive organizations, Democratic activists and thousands of small dollar donors, all committed to the work of defeating Michael McCaul. And even though a small group of DC organizations (with no feel for the Texas 10th) have lent their support to a primary opponent with a troubling record, we will still finish the job. We have the message and the movement behind us."
In its endorsement of Hutcheson, EMILY’s List cited her work at her law firm, “where she has fought for causes including reproductive justice, access to health care, and served as a voice for survivors of domestic abuse.” That experience seems important to Hutcheson, too. As a candidate, she’s emphasized her legal work for Planned Parenthood of Greater Texas, her working-class roots, and her ascent in the legal profession. As her campaign biography states, “having her own firm allowed Shannon the time and flexibility to work on the causes that are important to her.”

But Hutcheson’s professional, political, and voting history tells a different story. It shows that she voted in the 2010 GOP primary-- a referendum election cycle for Obama and the Affordable Care Act—and has made several campaign contributions to conservative judges. It shows that her bid is backed by her husband Mark Hutcheson’s high-powered property tax litigation firm, with ties to powerful Republican state lawmakers. And it shows that as a corporate lawyer, Hutcheson has defended a litany of businesses against claims of wrongdoing by aggrieved workers, women, and migrant detainees and advanced corporate interests. A testimonial on the law firm’s website quotes the CEO of a pipeline company saying, “You really did do a good job—and saved us a significant amount of money.”

That groups like EMILY’s List have rallied behind Hutcheson is emblematic of a deeper divide within the Democratic coalition-- between the establishment status quo who see socially liberal, business-friendly moderates as the key to expand the power of the party and the progressive left, which sees bold economic populism and grassroots movements as the way to advance a political agenda.

In 2010, Donald Dunn, a former guard at the T. Don Hutto private migrant detention center in Taylor, was tried and convicted of multiple misdemeanors for abuse of power, admitting that he groped female detainees while he transported them to bus stations and the Austin airport. Eight female victims were discovered, and the case put a national spotlight on the potential for sexual abuse of migrant detainees in federal custody. In October 2011, the ACLU filed a civil suit against ICE, the Corrections Corporation of America-- which operated the facility-- and Dunn, among others, on behalf of three victims.

Hutcheson’s law firm was hired to defend Dunn in what became a protracted legal battle. In early 2013, Hutcheson was named as Dunn’s lead attorney, court records show. By 2017, the case was settled out of court. It’s not clear whether CCA directly paid Hutcheson Bowers to defend Dunn; the campaign told The Observer that those specifics were covered by attorney-client privilege.

Hutcheson Bowers, which has just three attorneys, is also actively representing CCA (now called CoreCivic) in a lawsuit by Martha Gonzalez, a Mexican migrant who says that she was illegally forced to work while in Texas detention camps run by the company. Hutcheson’s campaign said that though she does not recall doing any work on the case, it was not immediately able to conclusively rule out any direct involvement the candidate might have had.

The CCA case is far from the only questionable litigation with which Hutcheson has been involved. In 2014, she was hired to defend the Texas Attorney General’s Office against a discrimination claim filed under the Equal Pay Act. A female attorney at the center of the case alleges that, despite having the same level of experience and doing a job that was equal to if not more difficult than her male colleagues’, she was paid “substantially lower” than them and was passed over more often for promotions, according to the court filing. The case went to mediation and was eventually settled.

Hutcheson was also hired by the Association for Student Conduct Administration-- a group of university officials who handle sexual assault cases-- to investigate a case within its own ranks. In February 2016, Jill Creighton, an ASCA board member, alleged that Jason Casares, a former president of the organization, had sexually assaulted her after the two had drinks at a professional convention in late 2015. As Mother Jones reported, Creighton said Casares made unwanted sexual contact with her after she had too much to drink; Casares denied the allegations but eventually resigned from his position at Indiana University. In response to Creighton’s allegations, ASCA launched an internal investigation, hiring Hutcheson to lead it.



Creighton criticized the investigation, saying it failed to follow ASCA’s own best practices. Hutcheson was said to have leaned on “ancillary witnesses” and did not attempt to track down potential third-party witnesses. After a six-week investigation and at least $30,000 in expenses, Hutcheson released a report ruling that Creighton’s allegations “could not be substantiated.” Creighton was shocked when she read the report.

“At no moment was I provided with fairness,” Creighton told Mother Jones. “The report blames me for being in the same hotel room, blames me for not crying out for help in the moment, blames me for not taking physical pictures [of my injuries]... and blames me for confronting him.”

Hutcheson’s campaign declined to make her available for an interview for this story but emailed a written statement in response to questions about the cases she’s worked on. “As the co-founder of a women-owned law firm, my goal is fair outcomes for everyone. My job is to ensure employers are complying with laws to create an equitable workplace for employees,” the statement read.

Hutcheson’s campaign has taken care to highlight her working-class roots and struggles to pay off mountains of student loan debt. On Labor Day, her campaign sent an email describing how she “grew up in a union family.” Her mother was a Houston teacher, her father was a post office worker, and her uncle was an autoworker for General Motors. “I have lived the difference between the good times and the hard times, and it almost always came down to a good job,” the email read. “Things are harder these days. Solid, good-paying jobs are harder to come by. And, now they don’t often come with affordable healthcare benefits, let alone pensions or retirement benefits. It seems like working Texas families are under constant attack.”

But Hutcheson’s career as a lawyer has repeatedly put her on the opposite side of the table from workers who have tried to fight back against similar attacks.

Hutcheson has criticized what she saw as federal overreach by agencies charged with enforcing the country’s labor laws. In a 2014 report entitled “Agencies Run Amuck [sic]: Defending Against Federal Investigations,” she bemoans that President Barack Obama’s Department of Labor “is not shy in exercising its power” to investigate potential labor violations. “In fact,” she wrote, “the past decade has seen a steady increase in the amounts of back wages recovered annually. This trend is unlikely to end under current U.S. Labor Secretary, Tony [sic] Perez.”

Tom Perez, Obama’s second-term labor secretary, was unabashedly pro-union and took an aggressive, innovative approach to enforcing labor law. Perez is now the national committee chair for the Democratic Party.

As an attorney, Hucheson has defended a host of companies in cases where workers alleged wage theft, age, gender, and racial discrimination, as well as violations of the Americans with Disabilities Act. In October 2018, she defended a tire shop against an employee’s claim that his wages were stolen. The case was settled in mediation.

On multiple occasions, Hutcheson has represented Austin-based NetSpend, a prepaid debit card company that has a reputation for high fees and has been charged by federal regulators with deceptive marketing tactics. In 2018, the Federal Trade Commission ordered the company to return $10 million to its customers. In one case, Hutcheson defended NetSpend from a man-- who wrote his legal complaint from behind bars-- contesting that the company defrauded him out of tens of thousands of dollars in Social Security benefits. That case was settled out of court.

Still, Hutcheson’s record hasn’t deterred Democratic insiders. In a statement to The Observer, EMILY’s List emphasized Hutcheson’s work for Planned Parenthood. ”She is the strongest candidate to beat Congressman McCaul and we are proud to support her,” spokesperson Benjamin Ray said. NARAL Pro-Choice America, another top reproductive rights group that also recently endorsed Hutcheson, echoed EMILY’s List. Hutcheson has “dedicated nearly a decade of her career to advocating for women and families, and we’re proud to support a candidate who will be a true champion for reproductive freedom in Congress.”

The EMILY’s List support could have a big payoff. The group has grown increasingly close with the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee—the official House campaign arm of the party establishment. As the Intercept has reported, some progressives have criticized EMILY’s List  for acting as a gatekeeper that elevates candidates who are favored by party insiders and have robust donor rolodexes-- the sort that the party believes are best positioned to win swing districts-- at the expense of grassroots progressives with fewer connections.

And Hutcheson is well-connected. Her campaign finance chair, Aimee Boone Cunningham-- a Planned Parenthood Texas activist and Container Store heir-- is a major Democratic Party donor who cut a $35,500 check to the DCCC in early 2019. Soon after, Hutcheson went to Washington to meet with DCCC officials, the Intercept reported.

But the endorsement from EMILY’s List was just the latest score for Hutcheson’s campaign. Texas state Senator Kirk Watson, a former Austin mayor and powerful figure in both the local party establishment and the legal community, also recently endorsed Hutcheson. A Watson staffer said the senator was on a plane and not available for comment.

Hutcheson is in a three-way primary with Siegel and Austin physician Pritesh Gandhi. She’s already raised a formidable sum-- nearly $535,000-- of campaign money. Almost half of that has come from big donors who gave more than $2,000; just $40,000 came from small donors, according to Federal Election Commission reports.

Large donors from Popp Hutcheson, the law firm where her husband, Mark, works, have contributed more than $75,000 to her campaign. As progressive activist and blogger Howie Klein first highlighted, the firm’s top partner, James Popp, is responsible for lobbying for and drafting property tax laws with loopholes big enough to let corporations shave off billions of dollars in tax savings, diverting hundreds of billions in potential tax revenue from state coffers.

Hutcheson has also made campaign contributions to a trio of Texas judges, including Scott Field, a self-described “constitutional conservative” who formerly served on the state’s Third Court of Appeals. There, he was part of a panel that granted a right-wing group’s request for an injunction to block Austin’s paid sick leave ordinance in 2018. They argued that mandatory compensation for sick leave is equivalent to a wage and therefore violates state minimum wage law. From 2011 to 2013, Hutcheson and her husband, as well as her law firm gave Fields $2,000, campaign finance records show.

In 2018, the 10th Congressional District was seen as a long shot. Thanks in part to the inroads made by Siegel, who came within 5 percentage points of ousting the powerful Republican incumbent, national Democrats now see it as a top 2020 swing district target and, as such, it’s likely to be one of the most competitive Democratic primary races.

Siegel, a former attorney for the city of Austin, is running again on a progressive platform that includes Medicare for All, the Green New Deal, and workers’ rights. But the DCCC hasn’t rallied behind the Berniecrat like it has for other Texas congressional candidates who are running again in competitive districts.

Siegel, who is trailing both of his Democratic opponents in fundraising,  believes that the DCCC-- which ostensibly stays neutral in party primaries-- prefers business-friendly types like Hutcheson. Asked to comment for this story, Siegel played up his experience advocating for the vulnerable as a public school teacher, union organizer, and civil rights lawyer. “The best way to see who someone will fight for in Congress is to look at their record,” he told The Observer. “We already have a representative who takes money from private immigration jails and abusive employers-- we don’t need another one.” 
Goal ThermometerYesterday, Mike Siegel told us that "Like Jim Hightower says, it's not about right versus left, it's about top versus bottom. The folks supporting my opponent are out of touch with the people of this district-- people who suffer every day without health care or housing, who are oppressed by racist immigration and criminal justice policies, who are concerned about clean air and water and a livable climate. I'm fighting for these folks-- and there are more of us."

As you may know, Blue America has endorsed Mike Siegel for Congress, both in 2018 and again this year. We are certain that Mike is capable of defeating and replacing Michael McCaul this cycle. There is no question that corporate shills like Cheri Bustos would prefer to see McCaul keep his seat than see an independent-minded progressive like Siegel become a member of Congress. Please consider helping Mike Siegel's campaign by clicking on the Turning Texas Blue thermometer above. Bustos, EMILY's List and other conservatives-- including Republicans-- are financing Hutcheson. Siegel can use our help-- and he deserves it.


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Wednesday, November 06, 2019

How Do You Know When A Candidate Is From The Republican Wing Of The Democratic Party? Meet Shannon Hutcheson Of Texas

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Last cycle Mike Siegel held Trump enabler Michael McCaul to just 51.1%, McCaul's worst showing in his political career. McCaul, one of the two or three richest members of Congress-- his in-laws are robber barons-- spent  $1,754,122 on the race, swamping Mike's $477,926. The DCCC declined to get involved, telling institutional donors to skip the race because it was too red a district and because Mike is a progressive. So it was a little-noticed race... nationally. In the district, Mike built a grassroots machine that fought for every inch of territory from Lake Travis and the neighborhoods of North Austin through Pflugerville, Elgin and Bastrop and Brenham, Prairie View in the north and Flatonia, Weimar and Sealy along the I-10 in the south to Tombatt and Cypress in the Houston exurbs. This year, even the DCCC recognized that TX-10 is winnable and that Michael McCaul is vulnerable. But Mike Siegel is... still too grassroots oriented, too independent-minded and too progressive for them. So they started looking around for a more conservative, go-along-to-get-along alternative. They finally settled on an "ex"-Republican EMILY's List mess, Shannon Hutcheson.

Over the weekend, several Blue America members in Austin alerted me that they had received polling calls, likely from an arm of EMILY's List, testing what they see as Hutcheson's weakest points, basically sharing that as an attorney, she represented a prison guard who sexually abused women in custody and asking if her excuse would hold water or if it would cause them to not vote for her in the primary. The human-administered poll-- about 30 minutes long and very expensive also shares a great deal of positive information about her after sharing the initial negative information.

The poll seems to have neglected to mention some of Hutcheson's other faults, like her 2010 decision to vote in the Republican primary, a matter of public record. Earlier, she worked as an attorney for a major establishment international law firm, Baker Botts, headquartered in Houston and which sells itself as having over half the Fortune 100 companies as clients, especially in the oil sector. Ted Cruz also worked there in the '90s (and earlier George W. Bush was given a job fitting his skill set as well-- in the mailroom). Hutcheson's gig was far more toxic than Bush's though; she worked on behalf of large corporations, protecting them against labor and employment claims.

DCCC
In 2011 she started her own boutique law firm with her former colleague from Baker Botts, Allison Bowers. Hutcheson’s campaign bio notes that "having her own firm allowed Shannon the time and flexibility to work on the causes that are important to her." So what causes were those that she was eager to work for? One of her first big clients was the worst and filthiest of the U.S. private prison conglomerates, the Corrections Corporation of America, for whom she defended Donald Dunn, a notorious CCA prison guard convicted of multiple sexual assaults, in a civil case against the ACLU representing three immigrant victims of sexual assault. After years of litigation, Hutcheson was able to have the case settled out of court (2017).

A couple of months after acquiring CCA, she took on another cause that was apparently meaningful to her, the defense of Foxworth-Galbraith Lumber, a company accused of age discrimination. The plaintiff had worked for the company for 32 years at the time he was let go. Hutcheson was also able to settle that case out of court. In 2014, Hutcheson was hired to defend NetSpend, a prepaid debit card company, in a suit brought by a plaintiff who claimed to have lost tens of thousands of dollars in social security income after arranging to have it deposited onto a NetSpend card. Hutcheson also settled that case out of court. She has represented the company in three separate cases. But also in 2014 Hutcheson was hired to defend the Office of the Texas Attorney General against an Equal Pay Act claim. A female attorney claimed that she was paid less and promoted fewer times than her male co-workers, despite being equally qualified. This is the kind of case Shannon Hutcheson says is important to her? She makes a perfect EMILY's List candidate, but I bet she'll never be endorsed by Matriarch.

Another example of issues important to Hutcheson is reflected in a paper she wrote, Agencies Run Amuck, in which she harshly criticized the Department of Labor’s subpoena power under Tom Perez, as well as the EEOC’s on-site investigations and work to sue for back wages. She wrote, critically, that "The past decade has seen a steady increase in the amounts of back wages recovered annually. This trend is unlikely to end under current U.S. Labor Secretary, Tony [sic] Perez."

This year, before jumping into the congressional race, she took on several more ugly cases-- another on behalf of CCA, now renamed CoreCivic. An immigrant woman detained at multiple CoreCivic facilities claims that she was forced to work for little or no pay and filed suit under the Trafficking Victims Protection Act. Another of her firm's cases last year was to defend a tire shop against claims of wage theft by an employee. And the last was last December when she was hired to defend Travis Transit, a company with a history of egregious labor violations, in an employment discrimination suit. The plaintiff, a bus driver who was permanently severely injured during a violent home invasion, was fired by Travis for taking absences during his recovery. The EEOC determined that Travis had failed to engage in the reasonable accommodation process required by the ADA. In his lawsuit, the driver also claimed that he was the victim of racial discrimination, because other, non-black employees did not get in trouble for having the same number of absences. She said she wanted to work on cases that were important to her. This is who Shannon Hutcheson is and it is imperative to keep her out of Congress. We have enough like her already, i.e., the Republican Party and the Republican wing of the Democratic Party.

Also not mentioned on the polling calls were her campaign finance problems. Her filings reveal a number of donors and industries that should be of concern to Democratic primary voters. One max donor, George Ryan is a top Republican Party donor and head of Ryan LLC, a massive tax advisory consulting firm. He has given over $6 million to Republican candidates and groups over the years. During the Trump campaign in 2016, Ryan advised the nominee on tax policy, and said he supported Trump even after the Access Hollywood video release. "I find Hilary Clinton to be at least as morally repugnant, if not more," Ryan said in a ringing endorsement of Trump. Hutcheson has the distinction of being one of the few Democrats Ryan has ever supported.




This cycle the recipients of Ryan's largesse are all crooked, easily-bought conservatives:
John Katko (R-NY)- $2,748
Ted Budd (R-NC)- $2,748
Shannon Hutcheson (D-TX)- $2,800
Glenn Grothman (R-WI)- $2,748
Donald Bacon (R-NE)- $2,748
Steve Chabot (R-OH)- $2,748
Peter King (R-NY)- $2,748
French Hill (R-AR)- $2,748
Devin Nunes (R-CA)- $2,748
Van Taylor (R-TX)- $5,600
Bill Huizenga (R-MI)- $2,748
David Rouzer (R-NC)- $2,748
David Schweikert (R-AZ)- $2,748
Fred Upton (R-MI)- $2,748
Doug LaMalfa (R-CA)- $2,748
Kevin McCarthy (R-CA)- $2,800
and pages and pages of contributions like this, all to corrupt conservatives, every one of them a Republican conservative with one glaring exception, DCCC/EMILY's List darling Shannon Hutcheson.

And it isn't just George Ryan, oil and gas industry executives are pouring money into her campaign. And Hutcheson has also hauled in over $84,000 from law firms who help large commercial and industrial property holders shirk their full property tax bills via special loopholes. A large share of these funds, $77,360, come from Popp Hutcheson, the firm run by Hutcheson’s husband Mark and James Popp. Popp has spent decades writing and advocating for tax policy at the Texas Capitol that has helped companies shave billions of dollars’ worth of property value from local tax rolls that are the primary means of funding schools. He is the architect of the "equity" tax appeal provision, an administrative mechanism that according to the Travis Central Appraisal District, has shaved $16.5 billion in value from the tax roll since 2010, translating to $396 million in potential tax revenue lost. While the tax policy details behind the numbers may be complicated, voters don’t need to understand the whole backstory to know that the game is being rigged against them. Their property tax bills continue to rise while big companies pay less. And those rigging the game are some of Hutcheson’s biggest supporters. and they totally want Shannon Hutcheson in Congress-- and are willing to put up the money it takes to get her there.

Goal ThermometerWith plenty of surreptitious help from EMILY's List and the DCCC and with lots and lots of wealthy conservatives (including Republican predators), Shannon has raised $532,813 for her campaign, while McCaul raised $1,209,859 and Mike Siegel raised $344,642. If money is what determines who's going to win this race, no one is going to catch up with McCaul, who has an unlimited capacity to self-fund. But, as Siegel showed last cycle, it's not only about the cash. Mike's grassroots efforts nearly displaced Michael McCaul last year. This cycle, Siegel should be able to beat both Hutcheson and McCaul. Obviously he can use some help. The Turning Texas Blue thermometer on the right is where you can contribute to his campaign. It's a good investment in good government. This is his first 2020 campaign video. I think it is worth watching because it will give you an idea about where his values lie and what kind of a congressman will be:





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