Saturday, December 29, 2018

Will Closing The Border Lead To Trump's Impeachment?

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Saluda al Jefe!

Republican Will Hurd's recent reelection wasn't exactly overwhelming. In the end, he beat a very weak Democratic opponent 103,285 (49.2%) to 102,359 (48.7%) in an R+1 district where Hillary beat Trump 49.8% to 46.4%. The district has-- by far-- the longest border with Mexico (over 800 miles) of any district in America. It stretches from the outskirts of San Antonio to the outskirts of El Paso and is over 70% Hispanic. Trade with Mexico is at the heart of the district's economic activity, so you can imagine that Hurd, a very conservative Republican, is a passionate opponent of Trump's wall and his posture towards Latinos. Hurd, a former CIA undercover agent, serves on the Homeland Security Committee where he is the vice-chair of the Border and Maritime Subcommittee. A couple of weeks ago he went on CNN to explain why he voted against Trump's wall. "Building a 30-foot high concrete structure from sea to shining sea is the most expensive and least effective way to do border security," Hurd said. "I represent 820 miles of border, more border than any other member of Congress. I spent almost a decade as an undercover officer in the CIA chasing bad guys all over the world. In places along the border, Border Patrol's response time is measured in hours to days. So a wall is actually not a physical barrier. We-- if we want to address root causes of illegal immigration we should be doing and working on those root causes in the northern triangle like Honduras, El Salvador and Guatemala. We should be talking about, how do we plus-up the State Department budget and USAID budget? How do we work with Mexico, who just announced $30 billion on doing-- on working on economic opportunities in Central America? There are the things that are going to address root causes of mass migration."

Yesterday it was as if Trump read his statement-- or had it read to him-- and decided to do the exact opposite. Like a petulant brat in a crib, the illegitimate fake "president" threatened to seal the border and end all economic aid to Central America if he doesn't get the money for his wall (or beaded curtain). And to continue the government shutdown until he's carted out of the oval office and dump in a landfill. The asshole: "We build the wall or... close the southern border." (Shutting the southern border will cost the country billions of dollars and ruin the economy way beyond TX-23, shuttering businesses in Texas, New Mexico, Arizona, California and beyond.)




Other than a few neo-fascist crackpots like Louie Gohmert (R-TX), no one thinks Señor Trumpanzee is stupid enough-- or even has the cajones to-- close down the southern border. Sen. Jeff Flake (R-AZ) told CNN it was "highly unlikely" the imbecile would follow through on his threat. "It’s not likely to happen. It would stifle commerce, significant commerce, between our two countries that benefits both of us. So I don’t think he will follow through, I hope not." Even Trumpanzee's Acting Chief of Staff, Mick Mulvaney, said the silly bluff was "the only way we can get the Democrats' attention." Congressman Ryan Costello (R-PA) blasted Trump’s threat as an "angry eighth-grader’s tweet"-- infuriating eighth graders in West Chester and the Upper Main Line. "I don’t really know how to make sense of it because I don’t think he can do this even if he wanted to. It probably violates NAFTA. I don’t think he’ll have much if any support in Congress. Nor do I think logistically he’d be able to implement it... And when you start throwing out vacuous threats like this, people stop taking you seriously in terms of how you go about negotiating."

Yesterday, Elizabeth Drew penned an OpEd for the NY Times, The Inevitability of Impeachment. "Even Republicans..." she begins. I'm not so sure how many Republicans have come to the conclusion yet but Drew is correct that an impeachment process against the deranged and dangerous buffoon "now seems inescapable"-- unless it resigns. Pelosi doesn't want to do it but "the pressure by the public on the Democratic leaders to begin an impeachment process next year will only increase." Is there enough evidence to impeach (and imprison) the stinking load of crap Putin dumped in the Oval Office? Drew, who thinks there is, wrote that "we will learn what the special counsel, Robert Mueller, has found, even if his investigation is cut short. A significant number of Republican candidates didn’t want to run with Mr. Trump in the midterms, and the results of those elections didn’t exactly strengthen his standing within his party. His political status, weak for some time, is now hurtling downhill.




It always seemed to me that Mr. Trump’s turbulent presidency was unsustainable and that key Republicans would eventually decide that he had become too great a burden to the party or too great a danger to the country. That time may have arrived.

In the end the Republicans will opt for their own political survival. Almost from the outset some Senate Republicans have speculated on how long his presidency would last. Some surely noticed that his base didn’t prevail in the midterms.

It’s to be recalled that Mr. Nixon resigned without having been impeached or convicted. The House was clearly going to approve articles of impeachment against him, and he’d been warned by senior Republicans that his support in the Senate had collapsed. Mr. Trump could well exhibit a similar instinct for self-preservation. But like Mr. Nixon, Mr. Trump will want future legal protection.

...Nixon was pardoned by President Gerald Ford, and despite suspicions, no evidence has ever surfaced that the fix was in. While Mr. Trump’s case is more complex than Mr. Nixon’s, the evident dangers of keeping an out-of-control president in office might well impel politicians in both parties, not without controversy, to want to make a deal to get him out of there.
Up for reelection in 2020, aside from every single member of the House, are 11 Republicans who would be harmed-- perhaps fatally-- with Trump at the top of the ticket: Miss McConnell (R-KY), John Cornyn (R-TX), Cory Gardner (R-CO), Joni Ernst (R-IA), Susan Collins (R-ME), Ben Sasse (R-NE), who would likely try to run a confused anti-Trump reelection campaign, David Perdue (R-GA), Pat Roberts (R-KS), who is already making noises about retiring, Steve Daines (R-MT), Thom Tillis (R-NC) and Lindsey Graham (R-SC). Lamar Alexander (R-TN) has already announced he's bowing out rather than run with Trump. And Martha McSally, who was just appointed to McCain's old seat surely doesn't want to face Arizona voters who have already rendered a judgment against Trump last month by defeating her in her Senate race against Kyrsten Sinema.


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Sunday, September 08, 2013

Is There A Remedy For The Dysfunction Of American Politics?

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Financiers of the far right's anti-democracy jihad: 2 Kochs

Elizabeth Drew, in a fascinating piece for the NY Review of Books, The Stranglehold on Our Politics, talks about the determinative properties of voter turnout in midterm elections. Normally turnout sinks from between 51.7 to 61.6% for presidential elections into the high 30s for midterms. When the Democrats took back the House and Senate from the GOP in 2006, they managed to turn out a whopping 40.4%. The GOP learned a lesson and, with the help of right-wing billionaires and their zombie Tea Party brigades turned out 41.6% to rout House Democrats. (Important to note: while the GOP was turning out their forces at unprecedented rates, discouraged and disappointed Democrats were staying away from the polls rather than vote for Blue Dogs, New Dems and other Republican-lite candidates. This is the dynamic Steve Israel and the DCCC is setting up for the 2014 midterms again.)
The midterms, with their lower turnout, reward intensity. In 2010, the Republicans were sufficiently worked up about the new health care law and an old standby, “government spending,” particularly the stimulus bill, to drive them to the polls in far larger numbers than the Democrats. A slight upward tick in turnout numbers can have a disproportionate impact in Congress and many of the states, and therefore the country as a whole. The difference in turnout caused such a change in 2010; in fact, the Republicans gained sixty-three House seats and took control of both the governorships and the legislatures in twelve states; the Democrats ended up with control of the fewest state legislative bodies since 1946. The midterms go a long way toward explaining the dismaying spectacle in Washington today. State elections bear much of the responsibility for the near paralysis in Congress thus far this year and the extremism that has gripped the House Republicans and is oozing over into the Senate.

The difference in the turnouts for presidential and midterm elections means that there are now almost two different electorates. Typically, the midterm electorate is skewed toward the white and elderly. In 2010 the youth vote dropped a full 60 percent from 2008. Those who are disappointed with the president they helped elect two years earlier and decide to stay home have the same effect on an election as those who vote for the opposition candidate.

Little wonder, then, that there can be such a gulf between the president and Congress, particularly the House of Representatives-- but also between the president and the governments of most of the twenty-four states over which the Republicans now maintain complete control; almost half of these were elected in 2010. Democrats have complete control over fourteen states. The Republican-controlled states include almost all the most populous ones outside of New York and California. Since the midterms of 2010 the Republicans in most of these states have pursued coordinated, highly regressive economic policies and a harsh social agenda. Thus, while there’s largely been stalemate in Washington, sweeping social and economic changes that are entirely at odds with how the country voted in the last presidential election have been taking place in Republican-controlled states.

As a result of the relative lack of interest in state elections, we now have the most polarized political system in modern American history. It’s also the least functional. Many state governments’ policies are not just almost completely divorced from what is going on at the federal level-- but also in some cases what is prescribed by law and the Constitution. Systemic factors based in state politics explain more about our national political condition than tired arguments in Washington over who is at fault for what does or doesn’t-- mainly doesn’t-- happen at the federal level. The dysfunction begins in the states.

...[W]hile Obama won 51.1 percent of the popular vote in 2012, as a result of the redistricting following 2010 the Republican House majority represents 47.5 percent as opposed to 48.8 percent for the Democrats, or a minority of the voters for the House in 2012. Take the example of the Ohio election: Obama won the state with 51 percent of the vote, but because of redistricting, its House delegation is 75 percent Republican and 25 percent Democratic.

The state government’s power over the redrawing of congressional districts every ten years is probably the single most determining factor of our political situation. It’s clear that the Republicans were successful in winning and using the 2010 elections as a prelude to the most distorted and partisan redistricting in modern times.

...[But] when the Republicans began their intense effort in the run-up to 2010 to take over state legislatures and draw districts free of serious Democratic challengers, they failed to anticipate that this would leave their members more vulnerable to challenges from the right. The fear of being defeated in local contests by even more radical Republicans has also taken hold in the state legislatures, which in turn affects the nature of the House. The more established House Republicans, including the leaders, now live in terror of a putsch from the most extreme right-wing elements of their caucus, in particular the Tea Party. They are not yet a majority of the party but they have the power to behave like one through their use of fear. A lamentable result of the effort to draw safe districts is that only an estimated thirty-five House seats out of 435 will actually be competitive in the 2014 election. Therein lies the source of the near paralysis of the federal government.

Nate Silver wrote in the the New York Times after the 2012 election that while there had been earlier periods of great partisanship, in particular between 1880 and 1920, “it is not clear that there have been other periods when individual members of the House had so little to deter them from highly partisan behavior.” Under these circumstances, it’s harder than ever before to put together bipartisan coalitions to pass major legislation, as had long been done for civil rights bills and other major changes in economic, social, and even environmental policy. The fact that Obama had to pass the health care law with almost no Republican support rendered it more vulnerable later. The Republicans’ limp and deceptive explanation for their opposition to the law is that the Democrats left them out of consideration of the bill (which was actually based on Republican ideas).

The Republicans who took over the states following the 2010 elections arrived with an agenda strongly based on model laws supplied by the American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC), heavily funded by the Koch brothers along with some other big corporations. The other group that benefited most from the 2010 elections was the passionately anti-abortion Christian right-- which is not only an essential part of the national Republican Party’s base but also dominates the Republican Party in about twenty states, and has a substantial influence in more than a dozen other state parties. The Christian right is tremendously effective in motivating its followers to go to the polls-- and then threaten a loss of support if their agenda isn’t adopted.

The overall result of the new Republican domination has been that these states have cut taxes on the wealthy and corporations and moved toward a more comprehensive sales tax; slashed unemployment benefits; cut money for education and various public services; and sought to break the remaining power of the unions. Not only did Republican officials in these states manipulate the constitutionally guaranteed right to vote in their effort to win the presidency in 2012 and preserve their own power by keeping Democratic supporters from voting, but they are at it again. The constitutional right to abortion granted under Roe v. Wade has been flouted. The new strategy among anti-abortion forces is to limit legal abortions to the first twelve weeks of pregnancy. Several states have adopted this measure and others are in the process of doing so.

Pregnant women’s privacy has also been invaded through state measures requiring them to be subjected to transvaginal ultrasound examinations of the fetus, and forcing them to look at or hear described the result of any sonogram. Doctors have been ordered by state law to lie to women about supposed dire consequences of abortion, for example that abortions can lead to breast cancer. Abortion clinics in some states have been shut down or eliminated. Funding for other medical services for women, such as mammograms, has also been greatly reduced. Many of these state laws are under legal challenge and some of them may end up in the Supreme Court. Roe v. Wade may be doomed.

...In 2014, thirty-six governorships, an unusually large number, will be up for election, including in such important swing states in presidential elections as Ohio, Wisconsin, Florida, Michigan, and Pennsylvania. Until 2010, all of them but Florida were governed by Democrats and carried by Obama, but since then they have been governed by Republicans determined to impose highly conservative policies on previously Democratic states carried by Obama.

Who controls the country’s statehouses can matter a lot in presidential elections. For one thing, that’s where the rules and conditions for voting are set. In 2012 we saw the Republican governor of Florida and the attorney general of Ohio cut the number of polling places and the number of days and hours they were open in an obvious effort to limit the votes of blacks and other minorities, as well as poor seniors.

Though great numbers of voters rose up and insisted on casting their ballots, it’s still the case that large numbers-- estimated at a minimum at hundreds of thousands-- were prevented from voting. And in a close election a governor can be of significant aid to the national candidate: the state’s party machinery and the governor’s political network can be called on to help out. The ultimate example of how helpful a governor can be was provided by Jeb Bush in Florida in 2000.

...[I]n their zeal to eliminate a law that’s been passed and is on the books [the Affordable Care Act], congressional Republicans may have built their own trap. Whatever they do in the name of getting rid of the program or cutting it back is attacked by the most militant Republicans as insufficient; there’s always a more drastic proposal, and a demand from the base that they support it. A recent idea-- backed by Senators Ted Cruz, Marco Rubio, and Mike Lee-- was that the government be shut down unless “Obamacare” is defunded. But some senior Republicans with memories of the calamity to their party caused by the Newt Gingrich–led shutdown in 1995–1996, as well as governors with national ambitions, were outspoken in calling this a stupid idea. Cruz, at the center of the effort, showed in his first weeks in the Senate that he’s not above McCarthyite tactics (as in the Hagel hearings); and he freely breaks the rules and understandings by which the Senate functions at all. Most uncommonly, he is actually hated and feared by most of his colleagues (including Republicans)—such strong feelings about a fellow senator are rare. The Harvard Law graduate and able advocate before the Supreme Court dismissed his senior Republicans’ concerns and in his mellifluous tone said that they were misreading history, and he carried on a crusade for a shutdown, which few of his colleagues liked.

But the ruffian Cruz overstepped and made a big mistake. As he traveled around with DeMint, he aroused great cheers from crowds at town meetings in August—but his colleagues held firm; no additional sponsors of the shutdown proposal came forth. Beyond that, Cruz and DeMint threatened Senate Republicans-- true conservatives such as Tom Coburn and Lindsay Graham-- who refused to back the shutdown with primary challenges. (Cruz is far more intelligent than DeMint but in defying the leaders of his party he is following his own agenda.) The base doesn’t mind if he’s unpopular in Washington, though.

Struggling once more to convince his far-right caucus members to take a less self-damaging route than the shutdown, the beleaguered Speaker John Boehner suggested that instead of shutting down the government unless Obamacare is defunded or postponed—anything to keep it from going into effect by the 2014 elections—they delay passing an increase in the debt ceiling. Holding up the debt ceiling in 2011 brought all kinds of obloquy down on the heads of the House Republicans and also stupidly hurt the credit standing of the US. Boehner has been leaping from ice floe to ice floe, each one more dangerous. So far his strategy of postponing calamity has worked—but what happens if he runs out of ice floes?

The agony of the current Republican Party is that most of the far right isn’t concerned about the possible effects of their tactics on the national party-- on its ability to win not just the next presidential election but also other offices down the line. The Tea Party members of Congress are responding to their districts. But the mainstream Republicans are panicked that they have lost four out of the last six presidential elections, and they have yet to figure out how to placate their base in the nomination process and still win the general election. But the far right has its own version of reality. Some even plan to run for president on it.

...Can this chokehold on our politics be broken? Several states are considering the possible removal of the power to control redistricting from the politicians who stand to benefit from their own decisions. Arizona and California have adopted independent commissions to redraw districts.

Theoretically, Congress could pass legislation requiring the states to reform their redistricting practices for federal elections; but that would require a sufficiently powerful movement-- of which there is no sign-- to put pressure on members of Congress to act against their own perceived interest.

The citizens of a state have it within their power to press for such changes in the nature of their state governments and the consequent effects on their immediate lives as well as the functioning of the nation’s political system. By rousing themselves to vote, they could have a stronger voice in filling state offices that may not seem so exciting but are highly consequential. Is it possible that the off-year elections could be taken almost as seriously as the presidential ones? The radicalism of the right has become so extreme that it may have unintentionally provided an impetus in that direction.

In the end only the members of the electorate can restore the institutions and procedures that make our democratic system work, starting with the next chance they get.
And speaking of "the next chance they get." October 15 is the date of the Massachusetts primary special election to replace Ed Markey in the House. There are a bunch of garden variety hacks running and one-- just one-- real progressive leader, state Rep. Carl Sciortino. You can help his win this seat here and help the forces of reform get rolling towards a good midterm despite Steve Israel's incompetence at the DCCC.

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Monday, July 25, 2011

Obama Isn't Really Like Nixon... Not The Essential Richard Nixon

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Obamabots have been upset with Paul Krugman lately. Yesterday's President Pushover didn't help much and last week's Obama/Nixon was probably the last straw with many of them, since it is the ultimate heresy to say aloud what is so obvious to anyone willing to open their eyes, namely that "Obama has governed as a moderate conservative, somewhat to the right of Richard Nixon." Not that it's doing Obama-- let alone the country-- any good at all.
[I]f you ask what Mitt Romney would probably be doing if he were in the White House and not trying desperately to convince his party that he shares its madness, it would look a lot like what Obama is doing.

There are, however, two crucial points to understand.

First, Obama gets no credit for his moderation, and never will. No matter how far right he moves, Republicans will move further right; and nothing he can do will keep them from denouncing him as a radical socialist.

Second, moderate conservatism isn’t working as a policy matter. As I’ve tried to tell everyone from the beginning of the Lesser Depression, a deeply depressed economy in which monetary policy is up against the zero lower bound turns the normal rules of policy upside down. We’re in a world in which conventional prudence is folly, in which playing it safe is extremely risky. And we have, alas, a conventionally prudent, play-it-safe president-- the kind of president who might have done fine in the 1990s, but not now.

Then today right-wing operative Bruce Bartlett penned a feature for the Fiscal Times, Barack Obama: The Democrats' Richard Nixon?. He posed it as a question but Barlett, a former George Bush and Ronald Reagan staffer, is convinced.
Liberals hoped that Obama would overturn conservative policies and launch a new era of government activism. Although Republicans routinely accuse him of being a socialist, an honest examination of his presidency must conclude that he has in fact been moderately conservative to exactly the same degree that Nixon was moderately liberal.

Here are a few examples of Obama's effective conservatism:

* His stimulus bill was half the size that his advisers thought necessary;

* He continued Bush’s war and national security policies without change and even retained Bush’s defense secretary;

* He put forward a health plan almost identical to those that had been supported by Republicans such as Mitt Romney in the recent past, pointedly rejecting the single-payer option favored by liberals;

* He caved to conservative demands that the Bush tax cuts be extended without getting any quid pro quo whatsoever;

*And in the past few weeks he has supported deficit reductions that go far beyond those offered by Republicans.

But when most Americans, especially Democrats, see comparisons with Nixon, "moderate conservatism" isn't what comes galloping to the fore. Disgraceful, criminal behavior is the touchstone. And that brings up something I've been meaning to share, something I've recently learned and something with no relation to Krugman or Obama. Why do these right-wingers have so much money compared to liberals? Keep in mind we're going to be talking about trillions of dollars worth of loot, not billions, TRILLIONS. I found an answer in The Nazi Hydra In America by Glen Yeadon. Have you ever heard of the Golden Lily? I hadn't, although after reading about it, I came across a series of YouTube videos on the topic, like this one:



In 1940, Prince Chichibu was appointed to head the Golden Lily. He and Takeda traveled throughout China and Southeast Asia, overseeing the looting and shipping the treasure back to Japan aboard hospital ships. By 1943, the United States submarine blockade of the home islands became effective. This forced Prince Chichibu to move his Golden Lily headquarters from Singapore to Luzon. He spent the next two and half years inventorying and hiding the treasure in a series of vaults, tunnels, and caves. The treasure was hidden in a total of 172 sites.78 The hope was Japan could arrange a cease-fire and be allowed to hang onto the Philippines as a territory and then recover the treasure at their leisure.

Besides using the Philippines to hide the treasure in the last year of the war, Japan hid gold at sea by scuttling ships. .. The Allies had made it clear that they intended to prosecute Japanese war criminals in the same manner as Nuremberg. However, unlike Germany, only a few generals and admirals were ever convicted. The archives in Japan had vanished. The United States took exclusive control over Japan, unlike the four zones in Germany. President Truman appointed MacArthur as the Supreme Commander. For six years after the surrender of Japan, MacArthur held virtually unchallenged power. As Supreme Commander he ignored the Far Eastern commission of eleven nations. MacArthur had the power to reform the country, but instead left it in the same hands that bombed Pearl Harbor. The only reform implemented was the successful land reform that went ahead before it could be blocked. Washington D.C. was at least partially responsible for the lack of reforms. The liberals in Washington wanted reform while the conservatives blocked all reform efforts. The conservative Democrats and the Republicans held Congress until the 1946 election when the Republicans regained a majority of seats, putting Congress solidly in the conservative camp.

There were great plans for reforms, such as the dissolution of the zaibatsu, conglomerates, banking reforms, and a new constitution as well as restitution payments to nations ravaged by Japan. None of these plans were ever implemented. MacArthur killed those plans and was soon backing away from punishment of war criminals. To protect the ruling elite, MacArthur soon banned all labor demonstrations and canceled the right of labor unions to strike.

Just as the denazification of Germany had been sabotaged, the democratization of Japan was sabotaged by MacArthur and his staff with additional help coming from the former ambassador to Japan, Joseph Grew, and former President Herbert Hoover. Grew had been ambassador to Japan appointed to the post by Hoover in 1932 and was acting secretary of state in 1945. His wife was a grand niece of Commodore Perry and her mother was a Cabot. Grew was from the top society of Boston and was deaf to those beneath his stature in society. Grew’s family had longtime ties to Asia. The Grews had been bankers, who underwrote the opium clipper ships of the 1800s.

Grew had started sabotaging the democratization of Japan during the war. During the war Grew held private talks with Japan’s ambassador to Switzerland and promised that the United States would not prosecute Hirohito and that he would be allowed to keep his throne. Such a promise was adamantly opposed by both the Roosevelt and the Truman administrations, which both called for unconditional surrender and prosecution of war criminals.

...Hoover’s and Grew’s plan to cleanse the emperor and the Japanese government of any war crimes had to be kept secret. There were still far too many, bitter war memories from Pearl Harbor, the Bataan death march, and Japanese forced labor camps. As late as 1945, Congress had voted that Hirohito should be tried as a war criminal. Fellers and another Grew protégé, Max Bishop, engineered the cleansing process. First, to discover the true extent of Hirohito’s guilt, they questioned Japanese officials and indicted war criminals in secret. Once all the facts had been assembled, they sanitized each incriminating bit of information by suborning witnesses. Before the trials could begin, several adverse witnesses conveniently died. American POWs on their way home were forced by US intelligence to sign documents forbidding them to talk about the harsh treatment they received at the hands of the Japanese.

While MacArthur was quietly trying to stop the trials, he received a blunt reminder from the Joint Chiefs to get serious about bringing the Emperor to trial. Despite such orders, MacArthur would not permit a trial of Hirohito. MacArthur even put Hirohito on the public relations circuit, showing him shaking hands and portraying him as a great pacifist. Behind the scenes, MacArthur and Fellers were castigating anyone not falling in line with the opinion that the war was the fault of the military.

...By 1952, when the occupation ended, all leftists had once again been purged and the conservatives were in control of Japan. The Emperor’s fortune still laid under the waters of Tokyo Bay and in other locations. The first recovery of a portion of the Golden Lily is known as the Santa Romana recovery. In the Philippines during the waning days of the war, Filipino guerillas observed the Japanese transporting heavy bronze cases and hiding them in a cave. An OSS major was with the group that observed the burial. After the treasure was hidden in the cave, the entrance was dynamited shut and concealed. The OSS agent reopened the cave and found the cases to contain gold. Following the war, between 1945 and 1948, the gold was recovered. The operation was known to Wiliam Donovan, MacArthur, Fellers, Edward Langsdale, and Herbert Hoover. Later, Allen Dulles knew of the operation. Donovan and Langsdale were assigned the recovery. No attempt was ever made to return the gold to its rightful heirs. Instead, the gold was deposited in 176 bank accounts in 42 different countries. It became the basis of the CIA off the books financing. This financing was done by issuing gold certificates to influential people, binding them to the CIA. One account in Langsdale’s name in the Geneva branch of Union Banque Suisse contained 20,000 metric tons of gold. The insiders squirreled some of the bullion away for private use. Documents confirm that one of the largest accounts was in the name of MacArthur.

Other documents indicated Herbert Hoover had an account containing $100 million in gold bullion. One can be certain that Hoover’s deep concern over Japan was based on his ability to smell a big payoff in gold from his previous experiences in China and Australia. The large holding of gold by Hoover was confirmed after his death, when his son sought out government approval to dispose of a large sum of gold bullion. The large accounts of MacArthur and Hoover suggest that the cleansing of Hirohito came at a high price.

Edwin Pauley, a rich oilman, had been dispatched to Japan to assess Japan’s ability to pay reparations. Pauly was informed of the $2 billion dollars of gold in Tokyo Bay shortly after his arrival in Japan. Yet, Pauley concluded Japan was in shambles and could not pay its fair share of expenses of the American occupation, let alone to anyone else’s rebuilding efforts. Largely due to Pauley’s assessment, Japan’s bill for reparations came to only one billion dollars. If such a sum had been distributed equally to the next of kin of the 20 million people who died as a result of Japan’s aggression, each would have received the paltry sum of $30. In the immediate post war scramble for reparations, the wealthy in Japan who had profited from the war and hid their profits submitted their own claim for reparations, totaling $5 billion. Many of these claims were paid.

...[C]onsiderable treasure has been recovered from the Golden Lily, ending up in the hands of those involved in intelligence and right wing causes. Was this gold put to private use or the use of the CIA? It’s most likely that a portion was skimmed for private use while the bulk of the remainder was used to fund clandestine CIA operations. It is interesting to note that those connected with the secret recoveries: Herbert Hoover, MacArthur, Allen Dulles, and others were the very ones that worked the hardest in derailing the reform of Japan and Nazi Germany. Their sole objective was to reestablish the cartels and get on with business as usual, and to hell with war crimes. Moreover, it seems certain that a large portion of the Nazi treasure and the Golden Lily was used in rebuilding Germany and Japan with the explicit approval of the right wing in America.

...Henry Stimson, Secretary of War, first proposed using gold recovered from the Nazis as a secret slush fund during the Roosevelt administration. The Nazis had already did the dirty work and re-smelted the gold, making it hard trace the gold's origin. Many of the owners had perished in the war and many of the pre-war governments had ceased to exist. With many of the eastern countries falling under the influence of the Soviet Union, returning any gold to these countries was out of the question with the cold warriors.

Stimson’s special assistants on this topic were John McCloy, Robert Lovett, Clark Clifford, and Robert Anderson. Both McCloy's and Lovett's backgrounds have been discussed in previous chapters. Anderson was a former Texas Republican legislator. In 1953, he was appointed Secretary of the Navy by President Eisenhower, and in 1954, Secretary of Defense. Some sources say he was appointed as Secretary of the Navy based solely on the need to move gold from the Philippines. In 1957, he was appointed Secretary of the Treasury. In 1987, he pled guilty to running an off shore bank after being caught up in the BCCI scandal. The same scandal also ensnared Clark Clifford.

The idea of the Black Eagle Trust was first discussed with the Allies in secret during July 1944, at Bretton Woods. This has been confirmed by CIA Deputy Director, Ray Cline, who as late as the 1990s has sought to control Japanese war booty sitting in the vaults of Citibank.

After briefing Truman, Stimson, Lovett, and others Lansdale returned to Tokyo with Anderson in November. From there MacArthur and Anderson accompanied Lansdale on a secret flight to Manila. Santy had by then already opened the sites and MacArthur and Anderson strolled down row after row of gold bullion stacked two meters tall. This was only the gold that had not reached Japan once the home islands were blockaded in the war.

Cline and others have confirmed that the gold recovered by Santy and Lansdale was covertly moved by ship to 176 accounts in 42 different countries. Truman had been informed that if such a large quantity of gold became public knowledge that the fixed $35 an ounce price would collapse. Other documents show large deposits of gold and platinum were made in various Swiss banks between 1945 and 1947.

Secrecy was vital to the success of the Black Eagle Trust. The United States declared Japan was broke from the very beginning. The United States elite lead by Herbert Hoover, wanted to maintain Japan as a staunch anticommunist state in the Far East. The Japanese elites were hard-core conservatives and alarmed by the communist threat. The most ardent of the anti-communist were the indicted war criminals. As noted earlier only a few Japanese war criminals were ever punished due to a large part of the interference by MacArthur in cleansing the Emperor of all crimes.

Such secrecy led to immediate abuses and the misleading of the American and Japanese people. Those most responsible for the war were left in power. The 1951, peace treaty between the Allies and Japan was greatly skewed by considerations for the Black Eagle Trust. To shield Japan from war reparations, John Foster Dulles secretly negotiated the treaty with three Japanese officials. One later became Prime Minister and served repeatedly as Minister of finance, Miyazawa Kiichi.

Article 14 of the peace treaty states as follows:

"It is recognized that Japan should pay reparations to the Allied Powers for the damage and suffering caused by it during the war. Nevertheless it is also recognized that the resources of Japan are not presently sufficient… the Allied Powers waive all reparations claims of the Allied Powers and their nationals arising out of any actions taken by Japan."

By signing the treaty, Allied countries waived all rights to any claims, including claims by their citizens and service men forced into slave labor by the Japanese warlords.

Because the Black Eagle Trust and the political actions funds that it has spawned remain off the books and invisible, the potential for abuse by falling into unscrupulous hands remain high to this day. In 1960, Vice President Nixon gave one of the largest funds, the M Fund, to the leaders of the Japanese Liberal Party in return for kickbacks to his election campaign. The fund, then valued at $35 billion and now estimated as worth over $500 billion, has served to keep the Liberal Party in power and effectively reduce politics in Japan to a one party dictator with a block on any meaningful reforms. This is readily evident in the troubled economic state of Japan. Even after sliding into an economic abyss fifteen years ago, Japan has still not addressed their economic policies in any meaningful manner. In effect, Nixon’s action has left Japan with an inept, corrupt and weak regime that has not even confronted its role in starting WWII.

Just sharin'. In fact, since I mentioned it above and it's totally awesome and you might have missed it, why don't I share that Elizabeth Drew feature from yesterday's NY Review of Book, What Were They Thinking?. You should read the whole thing; it might make you wish things were as black and white as they were in Nixon's day. But here's the first paragraph:
Someday people will look back and wonder, What were they thinking? Why, in the midst of a stalled recovery, with the economy fragile and job creation slowing to a trickle, did the nation’s leaders decide that the thing to do—in order to raise the debt limit, normally a routine matter—was to spend less money, making job creation all the more difficult? Many experts on the economy believe that the President has it backward: that focusing on growth and jobs is more urgent in the near term than cutting the deficit, even if such expenditures require borrowing. But that would go against Obama’s new self-portrait as a fiscally responsible centrist.

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Thursday, April 10, 2008

From the Department of Are You Sure You Didn't Have It Right the First Time?: So you mean Senator McCranky isn't "punitive"?

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At the end of the letters section of the new New York Review of Books (May 1) we find the following correction:

CORRECTION
In the first paragraph of Elizabeth Drew's "Molehill Politics: [NYR, April 17], John McCain should have been described as "the Republicans' putative [not 'punitive'], and unexpected, nominee." Our apologies to Senator McCain.

Hmm, somehow I had no trouble reading McCranky as "punitive." And I don't imagine anyone would who's seen, or heard the legendary stories of, Mount McCranky blowing his lid. Just ask his fellow Arizona GOP-er Rep. Rick "Corruption Is My Middle Name" Renzi, who called the McCrankster old when he wouldn't stop calling Renzi "boy," or for that matter Mrs. McCranky, publicly described as a "trollop" and "cunt" when she teased him about his thinning hair.
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