Republicans Get A Bad Rap

Earlier today I was extolling the virtues of Chris Mooney's two excellent books, The Republican War On Science and The Republican Brain. But perhaps they would have been more accurately named if they were called The Conservative War On Science and The Conservative Brain. Corey Robin's was pitch perfect by calling his book The Reactionary Mind. Sure, I know that the Republican Party has changed a great deal and that all Republicans are now conservatives and reactionaries and that the dark and menacing descriptions in all three books are well-suited to describe what this once mainstream party has become. But that leaves out the enablers: Blue Dogs and ConservaDems. Washington's Conservative Consensus is decidedly not just a Republican thing. It is-- and has always been-- a bipartisan affair funded by the wealthy and predicated on winning over the ignorant.

Up top is a 15 second clip conflating-- quite accurately-- reactionary Pennsylvania Blue Dog Tim Holden with Republicans. Why? Because he's a conservative and, incidentally, because he's outrageously corrupt. But corruption is as rampant among conservative Democrats as it is among Republicans. The right-wing dystopia envisioned by Ayn Rand, idealized by Alan Greenspan, intellectually, and by Ronald Reagan, emotionally, and now codified by Paul Ryan and his handlers, has been obliquely embraced by the GOP. But it's a vision that has taken hold inside the DC Democrats as another justification for their own criminal corruption that is systemic to a political Establishment that can write its own rules. Last month, in an important essay we let slip by, Gary Weiss looked with fresh eyes on how Ayn Rand's-- and Paul Ryan's-- vision (certainly destined to be part of Barack Obama's hideous "Grand Bargain") will lead to an Objectivist America that perfectly describes a dark age of unhindered free enterprise, far more primitive and Darwinian than anything seen before. And Weiss thinks the early manifestations are already upon us; he's correct.

The shape of a future Objectivist world has been a matter of public record for the past half century, since Ayn Rand, the Brandens, Alan Greenspan, and other Objectivist theoreticians began to set down their views in Objectivist newsletters. When he casually defended repeal of child labor laws in the debate with Miles Rapoport, Yaron Brook [President of the Ayn Rand Institute] was merely repeating long- established Objectivist doctrine, summarized by Leonard Peikoff as “Government is inherently negative.” It is a worldview that has been static through the decades, its tenets reiterated endlessly by Rand and her apostles:

No government except the police, courts of law, and the armed services.

No regulation of anything by any government.

No Medicare or Medicaid.

No Social Security.

No public schools.

No public hospitals.

No public anything, in fact. Just individuals, each looking out for himself, not asking for help or giving help to anyone.


...When Alan Greenspan spoke out against building codes, he knew perfectly well what a lack of adequate building and fire codes would mean. Fifteen years before his birth, 146 people, mostly young women, were burned alive or leaped to their death from the fire at the Triangle Waist Factory just east of Washington Square Park in New York City. There was no requirement for employers to provide a safe workplace, so none was provided. Triangle's owners crammed their employees into crowded workspaces without proper exits, and inadequate fire codes meant that the fire stairways were insufficient. The result was that dozens of workers' corpses piled on the sidewalk on March 25, 1911. Anywhere in the world where building codes are inadequate or absent, the result is always the same: Dead people.

In an Objectivist world, the reset button would be pushed on government services that we take for granted. They would not be cut back, not reduced-- they would vanish. In an Objectivist world, roads would go unplowed in the snows of winter, and bridges would fall as the government withdrew from the business of maintaining them - unless some private citizen would find it in his rational self-interest to voluntarily take up the slack by scraping off the rust and replacing frayed cables. Public parks and land, from the tiniest vest-pocket patch of green to vast expanses of the West, would be sold off to the newly liberated megacorporations. Airplane traffic would be grounded unless a profit-making capitalist found it in his own selfish interests to fund the air traffic control system. If it could be made profitable, fine. If not, tough luck. The market had spoken. The Coast Guard would stay in port while storm-tossed mariners drown lustily as they did in days of yore. Fires would rage in the remnants of silent forests, vegetation and wildlife no longer protected by rangers and coercive environmental laws, swept clean of timber, their streams polluted in a rational, self-interested manner by bold, imaginative entrepreneurs.

With industry no longer restrained by carbon-emission standards, the earth would bake in self-generated heat, ice cap melting would accelerate, extreme weather would become even more commonplace, and seacoasts would sink beneath the waves. Communities ravaged by hurricanes, floods and tornadoes would be left to fend for themselves, no longer burdening the conscience of a selfish, guilt-free world.

The poor and elderly, freed from dependence on character-destroying, government-subsidized medical care, would die as bravely and in as generous quantities as in the romantic novels of a bygone era.

Minimum wage laws would come to an end, providing factory owners and high-tech startups alike with a pool of cheap labor competitive with any fourth-world kleptocracy.

All laws protecting consumers would be erased from the statute books.

Mass transit would grind to a halt in the big cities as municipal subsidies come to an end.

Corporations would no longer be enslaved by antitrust laws, so monopolies and globe-spanning, price-fixing cartels would flourish. The number of publicly held corporations would be reduced to a manageable, noncompetitive few. Big Pharma would manufacture drugs without adequate testing for safety and efficacy-- deterred only by concern for their reputation, as described by Greenspan in 1963. Except that with competition reduced by mergers and legal price-fixing, the market would be a feeble substitute for even the FDA.

Securities laws and stock market regulations would be eliminated.

...Such is the Ayn Rand vision of paradise: an America that would resemble the lands from which our ancestors emigrated, altruism confined to ignored, fringe texts, grinding poverty and starvation coexisting alongside the opulence of the wealthy. Los Angeles, Chicago, and New York would become like Cairo and Calcutta, with walled enclaves protecting the wealthy from the malnourished, uneducated masses outside.

Yaron Brook was right. What's at stake is not a political issue, but a moral, philosophical issue. In large numbers, Americans have, sometimes unwittingly, abandoned the moral code upon which they were raised. They have done so because of a master storyteller.

Ayn Rand's stories of noble steel barons, fierce railroad magnates and sniveling government bureaucrats formed the basis of her ideology. It is a compelling narrative, and Oliver Stone's abortive approach to The Fountainhead suggests a remedy to the Rand narrative: a counternarrative-- one that celebrates a creator with a conscience; government not as a Soviet gun but as a builder, a benefactor. It is an optimistic vision, born in an America of hope and not a Russia of despair and privation. This counter-narrative can recognize the merit of individuality and self-interest, while rejecting her celebration of the darker impulses-- greed and selfishness.

That kind of thinking is required to meet the challenge presented by Rand and her ideas, as they spread from libertarian and Objectivist think tanks to the Tea Party to Congress and, perhaps, the White House.

Those of us who oppose Rand's vision of radical capitalism need to read Rand and understand the flaws in her assumptions and illogic of her vision, just as people during the Cold War studied Communism so as to more effectively oppose it. Having read and understood her books and essays, one is in a better position to identify and then to respond to the right's extremist agenda, and to recognize her ideology when it becomes manifest in society.

We need to understand the basis of her morality, not just its origins but where it doesn't originate - the three great monotheistic religions, the Declaration of Independence, the Constitution, and the other writings and actions of the Founding Fathers. The words “capitalism,” “markets,” and “free enterprise” appear in none of the founding documents of America. The natural enemies of Ayn Rand are not only Lenin and Roosevelt but Jefferson, Rousseau, and Paine. The Founders were not defenders of oligarchy and selfishness. They sacrificed. They were altruists, and proud of it.

My Objectivist friends are right that morality needs to become part of the national dialogue. However we feel about Rand, we need to ponder her views and think more philosophically. We need to evaluate our own core values, and understand the moral foundations of the social programs and government agencies that are targeted by the right. Why do we pay for medical care of the poor and elderly? Why do we regulate business? Why do we pave roads and maintain parks and build public schools? Why do we subsidize public radio, mass transit, family planning clinics, and a host of other programs that don't always benefit ourselves? We may conclude that we shouldn't do any of those things. Or we may conclude that we cherish those institutions and will sustain them, not because of the clout of special interest groups and the senior vote, not because we can do it if the Democrats control both houses of Congress, but because it's the right thing to do. It's right if we hold a different concept of right and wrong than Objectivists and their allies on the right. It's a question of fundamental moral values, as defined by our national and religious traditions-- or by Atlas Shrugged, The Fountainhead, The Virtue of Selfishness, and Capitalism: The Unknown Ideal.

We need to choose-- our heritage or Ayn Rand.

And with Romney likely to blunder into choosing Paul Ryan as this year's Sarah Palin character, it's likely that in November American's may be called upon to make such a choice. I have to admit, though, that I sometimes wonder which side President Obama would really like to choose. As for Tim Holden... our chance to strike a blow again conservatism in his regard comes in just over two weeks. If you don't live in PA-17, you can still help... or consign your progeny to hell. That's another choice.


UPDATE: The Enablers

Krugman has a good column again today on the folks who just want to let Ryan by Ryan. He talks about pundits; conservative Democrats like Bill Clinton, Ron Wyden, Steny Hoyer and Barack Obama are far more the problem. Ryan, he writes is "still being treated by many pundits as a man deeply concerned about deficits, when the fact is that his policy proposals are all about redistributing income upward, and make no serious effort to curb debt. He’s even given credit for advocating higher taxes on the rich when he has more or less specifically rejected the things for which he’s given credit. And then he tries to define "the professional centrist." [Think Steve Israel, who was tragically given the job of DCCC chairman, which his membership in this "profession" makes him incompatible with succeeding at.]

These are people whose whole pose is one of standing between the extremes of both parties, and calling for a bipartisan solution. The problem they face is how to maintain this pose when the reality is that a quite moderate Democratic party-- one that is content to leave tax rates on the rich far below those that prevailed for most of the past 70 years, that has embraced a Republican health care plan-- faces a radical-reactionary GOP.

What these people need is reasonable Republicans. And if such creatures don’t exist, they have to invent them. Hence the elevation of Ryan-- who is, in fact, a garden-variety GOP extremist, but with a mild-mannered style-- to icon of fiscal responsibility and honest argument, despite the reality that his proposals are both fiscally irresponsible and quite dishonest.

How much longer can this last? I guess we’ll eventually find out.